l'épouse du journalist:
"Il etait à la fenêtre de son bureau qui donne rue Magless el Shaab (Rue de l'Assemblée du Peuple), à proximité du ministère de l'interieur. Samedi 29 janvier, il a entendu des coups de feu, alors il allé à la fenêtre, l'a ouverte, et s'est mis à parler au téléphone pour rapporter ce qu il voyait puis pour filmer la scène. Un officier de police posté sous nos fenêtres l'a vu et lui a demandé de ne pas filmer et de retourner à l'intérieur. Sans même donner à mon mari l'occasion de se retirer , il a orienté son arme vers lui, à visé, et l'a touché à l'œil droit. Mon mari a été emmené à l'hopital ou il est mort, le jeudi 3 février, après avoir passé 6 jours dans le coma."
Saturday, February 5, 2011
حسنين هيكل : ان ثورة ميدان التحرير أعادت لنا الروح والنظام يحاول قتل الروح فينا
إن ثورة الشباب أعادت الروح إلى الوطنية المصرية الجامعة، لكن أسوأ ما في مصر يحاول الآن بشراسة أن يقتل أنبل ما فيها، مضيفا أن الشعب أعلن كلمته يوم الثلاثاء العظيم في استفتاء لم يزور، الأمر الذي طوى صفحة النظام القائم بصورة لا رجعة فيها، رغم أننا شهدنا محاولة للالتفاف على إرادة الشعب من خلال الإيحاء بأنه خلال ستة أشهر يمكن إنجاز ما عجز النظام عن فعله خلال ثلاثين عاما.
Hosni Moubarak a démissionné du parti au pouvoir: AFP
"Le président Hosni Moubarak a quitté la tête du Parti national démocrate (PND)" et "les membres du comité exécutif (du PND) ont démissionné de leurs postes. Il a été décidé de nommer Hossam Badrawi secrétaire général du parti", a annoncé la télévision d'Etat égyptienne, samedi 5 février.
Sur le même sujet[HEURE PAR HEURE] Les manifestations en Egypte
Paris a suspendu les ventes d'armes à l'Egypte
Egypte: Souleimane et l'armée s'entretiennent sur le sort de Moubarak
Egypte : Moubarak ne cède pas à la forte mobilisation
Autre désaveu pour Hosni Moubarak, son fils Gamal a été évincé du poste de président du comité politique du PND, au profit également de M. Badrawi, connu pour avoir de bons rapports avec l'opposition égyptienne.
Dans la rue, par ailleurs, la mobilisation ne faiblissait pas. Sur la place Tahrir, emblème de la contestation dans le centre du Caire, des milliers de manifestants scandaient "va-t'en, va-t'en" à l'adresse de M. Moubarak, 82 ans, qui gouverne l'Egypte d'une main de fer depuis 29 ans.
Sur le même sujet[HEURE PAR HEURE] Les manifestations en Egypte
Paris a suspendu les ventes d'armes à l'Egypte
Egypte: Souleimane et l'armée s'entretiennent sur le sort de Moubarak
Egypte : Moubarak ne cède pas à la forte mobilisation
Autre désaveu pour Hosni Moubarak, son fils Gamal a été évincé du poste de président du comité politique du PND, au profit également de M. Badrawi, connu pour avoir de bons rapports avec l'opposition égyptienne.
Dans la rue, par ailleurs, la mobilisation ne faiblissait pas. Sur la place Tahrir, emblème de la contestation dans le centre du Caire, des milliers de manifestants scandaient "va-t'en, va-t'en" à l'adresse de M. Moubarak, 82 ans, qui gouverne l'Egypte d'une main de fer depuis 29 ans.
Quand le filet de protection de la tyrannie israélienne se déchirera :Amira HASS
Il y a un moment miraculeux dans les soulèvements populaires quand la peur de la machine répressive ne fait plus reculer les masses populaires et quand la machine se désagrège et laisse apparaître ses composantes qui sont aussi des hommes. Des hommes qui cessent d’obéir et se mettent à réfléchir.
Quand ce moment arrivera-t-il pour nous ? Un groupe d’hommes d’affaire palestiniens avait envisagé la possibilité de rejoindre la lutte populaire de villages proches de Ramallah contre le mur de séparation. C’était avant les révoltes en Tunisie et en Egypte. Finalement, comme me l’a expliqué un participant, ils ont pensé qu’ils ne pouvaient pas se permettre de prendre part à de telles activités car le lendemain "Beit El" (le surnom qu’on donne à l’Administration Civile (des territoires palestiniens occupés NdT) dont la base se trouve près de la colonie qui porte ce nom) leur retirera tous les permis spéciaux (principalement pour pouvoir se déplacer NdT) qui leur permettent d’avoir une activité professionnelle. L’exemple de ce qui est arrivé à d’autres dans des circonstances similaires (par exemple les permis VIP des officiels haut placés du Fatah qui avaient daigné participer à une ou deux manifestations ont été abrogés) est suffisant pour créer la peur.
Une machine répressive ne s’appuie pas seulement sur les armes et sur la torture dans des caves. Comme l’a montré le régime soviétique, la bureaucratie est l’épine dorsale d’un tel système. C’est la même chose pour nous en Israël : Loin d’être une société démocratique transparente comme cela se devrait, Israël a créé une bureaucratie complexe et invisible qui contrôle complètement la liberté de mouvement des Palestiniens et donc la liberté du trouver un emploi, de se procurer des moyens de subsistance, de faire des études, la liberté de tomber amoureux, de fonder une famille et autres libertés fondamentales.
Un régime qui ne respecte pas ces libertés est automatiquement qualifié de "tyrannique." Nous avons échappé à ce qualificatif parce que dans notre cas, c’est une tyrannie collective exercée par les Juifs israéliens (ceux qui profitent du système) contre les Palestiniens. Les représentants de cette tyrannie collective, qui se manifeste par la violation systématique du droit sacré de la propriété de l’autre et par une discrimination systématique à son encontre, sont des officiers de l’armée qu’on admire, des officiels du Ministère de la Défense dont on dit du bien, des architectes, des entrepreneurs, etc...Mais les libertés se moquent des qualificatifs ; et un peuple entier en est toujours privé.
La machine israélienne de répression a réussi à fabriquer une filet de protection qui s’appelle l’autorité palestinienne. Elle fait tout ce qu’elle peut pour que le statu quo ne change pas et qu’aucune lumière ne vienne révéler et faire voler en éclat le mirage de la prospérité économique et du développement des institutions nationales.
La manifestation organisée par l’intermédiaire de facebook devant le bureau des représentants égyptiens à Ramallah a été brisée par les forces de sécurité de l’autorité palestinienne. Le jeune homme qui a appelé à manifester a été recherché, arrêté et interrogé longuement. Le Hamas a aussi peur de la lumière. Environ 25 personnes appelées par facebook se sont rassemblées lundi sur la place du soldat inconnu de Gaza pour exprimer leur soutien aux Egyptiens. Elles aussi eurent à faire à des forces de sécurité peines d’ardeur. Six femmes ont été arrêtées.
Tôt ou tard, les filets protecteurs que la tyrannie israélienne a réussi à se donner se déchireront. Les masses envahiront-elles alors les rues et briseront-elles les barrages et les barrières, marcheront-elles sur Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan et Psagot (quartiers de Jérusalem Est colonisés par les Israéliens NdT) comme mes collègues Akiva Eldar et Aluf Benn l’ont prédit ?
Ne nous faisons pas d’illusions. Il n’y aura pas de confusion. Les soldats israéliens recevront des instructions claires. L’armée israélienne de l’opération Plomb Durci sera à la hauteur de sa réputation. Même si la marche est composée de 200 000 civils désarmés, l’ordre sera de tirer. Il n’y aura pas seulement 10 morts parce que l’armée de Plomb Durci aura à coeur de se surpasser. Le moment où la machine de la répression israélienne se désintégrera parce les hommes qui la composent se seront mis à réfléchir au lieu d’obéir n’est pas encore arrivé.
Quand ce moment arrivera-t-il pour nous ? Un groupe d’hommes d’affaire palestiniens avait envisagé la possibilité de rejoindre la lutte populaire de villages proches de Ramallah contre le mur de séparation. C’était avant les révoltes en Tunisie et en Egypte. Finalement, comme me l’a expliqué un participant, ils ont pensé qu’ils ne pouvaient pas se permettre de prendre part à de telles activités car le lendemain "Beit El" (le surnom qu’on donne à l’Administration Civile (des territoires palestiniens occupés NdT) dont la base se trouve près de la colonie qui porte ce nom) leur retirera tous les permis spéciaux (principalement pour pouvoir se déplacer NdT) qui leur permettent d’avoir une activité professionnelle. L’exemple de ce qui est arrivé à d’autres dans des circonstances similaires (par exemple les permis VIP des officiels haut placés du Fatah qui avaient daigné participer à une ou deux manifestations ont été abrogés) est suffisant pour créer la peur.
Une machine répressive ne s’appuie pas seulement sur les armes et sur la torture dans des caves. Comme l’a montré le régime soviétique, la bureaucratie est l’épine dorsale d’un tel système. C’est la même chose pour nous en Israël : Loin d’être une société démocratique transparente comme cela se devrait, Israël a créé une bureaucratie complexe et invisible qui contrôle complètement la liberté de mouvement des Palestiniens et donc la liberté du trouver un emploi, de se procurer des moyens de subsistance, de faire des études, la liberté de tomber amoureux, de fonder une famille et autres libertés fondamentales.
Un régime qui ne respecte pas ces libertés est automatiquement qualifié de "tyrannique." Nous avons échappé à ce qualificatif parce que dans notre cas, c’est une tyrannie collective exercée par les Juifs israéliens (ceux qui profitent du système) contre les Palestiniens. Les représentants de cette tyrannie collective, qui se manifeste par la violation systématique du droit sacré de la propriété de l’autre et par une discrimination systématique à son encontre, sont des officiers de l’armée qu’on admire, des officiels du Ministère de la Défense dont on dit du bien, des architectes, des entrepreneurs, etc...Mais les libertés se moquent des qualificatifs ; et un peuple entier en est toujours privé.
La machine israélienne de répression a réussi à fabriquer une filet de protection qui s’appelle l’autorité palestinienne. Elle fait tout ce qu’elle peut pour que le statu quo ne change pas et qu’aucune lumière ne vienne révéler et faire voler en éclat le mirage de la prospérité économique et du développement des institutions nationales.
La manifestation organisée par l’intermédiaire de facebook devant le bureau des représentants égyptiens à Ramallah a été brisée par les forces de sécurité de l’autorité palestinienne. Le jeune homme qui a appelé à manifester a été recherché, arrêté et interrogé longuement. Le Hamas a aussi peur de la lumière. Environ 25 personnes appelées par facebook se sont rassemblées lundi sur la place du soldat inconnu de Gaza pour exprimer leur soutien aux Egyptiens. Elles aussi eurent à faire à des forces de sécurité peines d’ardeur. Six femmes ont été arrêtées.
Tôt ou tard, les filets protecteurs que la tyrannie israélienne a réussi à se donner se déchireront. Les masses envahiront-elles alors les rues et briseront-elles les barrages et les barrières, marcheront-elles sur Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan et Psagot (quartiers de Jérusalem Est colonisés par les Israéliens NdT) comme mes collègues Akiva Eldar et Aluf Benn l’ont prédit ?
Ne nous faisons pas d’illusions. Il n’y aura pas de confusion. Les soldats israéliens recevront des instructions claires. L’armée israélienne de l’opération Plomb Durci sera à la hauteur de sa réputation. Même si la marche est composée de 200 000 civils désarmés, l’ordre sera de tirer. Il n’y aura pas seulement 10 morts parce que l’armée de Plomb Durci aura à coeur de se surpasser. Le moment où la machine de la répression israélienne se désintégrera parce les hommes qui la composent se seront mis à réfléchir au lieu d’obéir n’est pas encore arrivé.
مصطفى المنشاوي : مرحبا بكم في "دولة" ميدان التحرير
يستحق ميدان التحرير في قلب القاهرة أن يحصل على لقب "دولة" منذ انطلاق شرارة الاحتجاجات المطالبة بتنحي الرئيس حسني مبارك يوم 25 يناير/كانون الثاني الماضي.
"صحيح أن حسني مبارك مازال يحكم مصر، إلا أنه لا يحكمنا هنا" هذا ما يقوله عمرو سالم أحد النشطاء في حركة 6 إبريل الاحتجاجية التي نظمت المظاهرات منذ بدايتها.
روابط ذات صلةمصر: استمرار اعتصام المتظاهرين في ميدان التحريراوباما: بعض المحادثات لانتقال السلطة في مصر بدأت فعليا مظاهرات "جمعة الرحيل" تحتشد في ميدان التحرير بالقاهرة وفي مدن أخرىاقرأ أيضا
موضوعات ذات صلةمصرالدولة صار لها "حدود" وهي مداخل الميدان السبعة التي يشرف على تأمينها متظاهرون.هذه "الحدود" يتم تأمينها عبر متاريس أقامها المتظاهرون بعد أن خلعوا بعض الأسوار الحديدية للميدان.
وليس غريبا أن يضطلع بعض الأفراد بدق "طبول" الحرب عند بداية الاشتباكات مع المتظاهرين المؤيدين لمبارك كما حدث الأربعاء "الدامي" الماضي الذي سقط فيه ثمانية قتلى وعشرات الجرحى بحسب بعض التقديرات.
واستخدام القوة، حسب التعبير الأكاديمي لعلماء السياسة عند الحديث عن مكونات الدولة، يقع في يد المتظاهرين داخل الميدان
فمع التزام الجيش الحياد رغم انتشاره حول الميدان، اضطلع المتظاهرون بدور جهاز الشرطة الغائب عبر نقاط تفتيش أقاموها على جميع المداخل السبعة للميدان.
أحمد خليفة المتطوع في إحدى اللجان المشرفة على نقاط التفتيش قال لبي بي سي "لا يمكنك الدخول إلى الميدان دون بطاقة تحقيق الهوية ودون تفتيشك ذاتيا".
الإدارة
الميدان أيضا صنع "جهازه الإداري"، وهو أحد عناصر تكوين الدولة حسب التعريف الأكاديمي للدولة.
ففي الميدان، هناك جهاز إداري يتعلق بتقديم العلاج للمصابين ورصد أسمائهم، وهناك جهاز إداري لتقديم الطعام وتنظيف الشوارع وتأمين وجود الشخصيات العامة التي توجد في الميدان من خلال تخصيص بعض أماكن الميدان لوجودهم وسط حراسة من قبل متطوعين.
ووصل الأمر إلى تكوين جهاز إداري يشرف على صنع معدات حربية مثل المنجنيق.
ولأن دولة ميدان التحرير تحتاج إلى جهاز إعلامي مشابه للدولة خارجه متمثلا في مبنى الإذاعة والتليفزيون الذي يقع على بعد دقائق، قام المتظاهرون بعمل إذاعة داخلية يشرف عليها متظاهرون.
ويتعدى دور الإذاعة بث الأغاني الوطنية لعبدالحليم حافظ مثل "صورة كلنا كده عايزين صورة" إلى التنبية عن طفل تائه أو بث آخر الأخبار التي ترد عبر الفضائيات العربية.
الأمن
ولأن فكرة الدولة يقوم على "الثواب والعقاب" للمواطنين، لم يكن غريبا أن يقيم المتظاهرون "سجونا" في الميدان أنشئت في مدخل محطة مترو الأنفاق الواقعة وسط الميدان.
وقال عبد الحميد إبراهيم احد المشرفين على تلك"السجون" إنه يتم فيها احتجاز احتجاز من يتم القبض عليه هم المواجهات مع المؤيدين لمبارك الواقفين على الجانب الآخر من الميدان، ثم يجري ترحيل "المحتجزين" وتسليمهم إلى الجيش.
وبالنسبة للمشاركين في الاعتصام توفر لهم هذه الأجواء احساسا بالأمن والأمان فهم يبيتون ليلتهم في ميدان التحرير دون عناء الانصراف والعودة نهارا للتظاهر.
وقالت نهى وهي تلتحف بغطاء ممتد بين أفراد أسرتها أنها باتت في منزلها "ثلاثة أيام لم أشعر فيها بالأمان، أنا الآن أشعر بأمان أكثر".
وفي نهاية يوم طويل من الاحتجاجات يقوم المتطوعون بأعمال النظافة من خلال جمع مخلفات الغذاء وكنس الأرصفة وهي أيضا من المهام التي توفرها بلديات المدن.
FMI: Boutros-Ghali a démissionné
L'ancien ministre égyptien des Finances limogé, par Hosni Moubarak, a démissionné, vendredi, de la présidence du Conseil consultatif du Fonds monétaire international, (FMI). Le comité monétaire et financier du "FMI" est formé des ministres des Finances et des présidents des banques centrales, qui donnent des consultations au président du "FMI". Boutiros-Ghali a été obligé de démissionner, après son limogeage par Hosni Moubarak. Le Directeur général du "FMI", le Français, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, a déclaré que le comité dirigé par Boutrios-Ghali a joué un rôle important, par ses conseils, dans la coordination de la politique d'amélioration de la crise financière du monde. Boutrios-Ghali a été, depuis octobre 2008, à la tête de ce comité.
Cet article a été censuré en Tunisie
http://chiron.over-blog.org/ext/http://owni.fr/2011/01/03/cet-article-a-ete-censure-en-tunisie-partagez-le/
Les manifestations qui ont suivi la tentative de suicide d’un jeune chômeur [fr], à Sidi Bouzid, voici deux semaines, [maj 05/01/11 : la personne est décédée aujourd'hui des suites de ses blessures, fr] puis le suicide par électrocution de Houssine Ben Faleh Falhi, 25 ans, et celui de Lofti Guadri, 34 ans, également à Sidi Bouzid, ont aujourd’hui atteint les grandes villes tunisiennes et la capitale, dans un mouvement qui ne réclame plus seulement du travail et des perspectives d’avenir, mais la remise en cause du “système Ben Ali”, président au pouvoir depuis 23 ans.
Les manifestations qui ont suivi la tentative de suicide d’un jeune chômeur [fr], à Sidi Bouzid, voici deux semaines, [maj 05/01/11 : la personne est décédée aujourd'hui des suites de ses blessures, fr] puis le suicide par électrocution de Houssine Ben Faleh Falhi, 25 ans, et celui de Lofti Guadri, 34 ans, également à Sidi Bouzid, ont aujourd’hui atteint les grandes villes tunisiennes et la capitale, dans un mouvement qui ne réclame plus seulement du travail et des perspectives d’avenir, mais la remise en cause du “système Ben Ali”, président au pouvoir depuis 23 ans.
In switch, Gaza feeds hungry Egyptian troops: Reuters
A source in the border town of Rafah said security forces of the Palestinian Islamist movement Hamas, which rules Gaza, had been providing the troops with supplies for the past three days.
Israel has blockaded Gaza for over three years with the assistance of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's government, and half the population depends on handouts of staples from the United Nations. With mass protests demanding Mubarak should quit, sources in Rafah said north Sinai was tense. Angry Bedouins were in control of many roads following armed clashes with Egyptian police.
The sources said Palestinian merchants in Gaza have also been smuggling vegetables, eggs and other staples into Egypt, where store owners have run out of stock because normal supplies are cut off by the unrest -- reversing the usual flow of goods.
Hamas security forces had beefed up their presence along the border and in the area of Gaza's honeycomb of smuggling tunnels to prevent any breach of the border line. No photography or television images were allowed. (Reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi; writing by Douglas Hamilton; editing by David Stamp)
Israel has blockaded Gaza for over three years with the assistance of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's government, and half the population depends on handouts of staples from the United Nations. With mass protests demanding Mubarak should quit, sources in Rafah said north Sinai was tense. Angry Bedouins were in control of many roads following armed clashes with Egyptian police.
The sources said Palestinian merchants in Gaza have also been smuggling vegetables, eggs and other staples into Egypt, where store owners have run out of stock because normal supplies are cut off by the unrest -- reversing the usual flow of goods.
Hamas security forces had beefed up their presence along the border and in the area of Gaza's honeycomb of smuggling tunnels to prevent any breach of the border line. No photography or television images were allowed. (Reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi; writing by Douglas Hamilton; editing by David Stamp)
Netanyahu commits to promoting Arab construction in East Jerusalem : Barak Ravid
Apart from the usual token game this comes at a time when Israel seems to feel the heat from their ME neighbors - no more the big Islamist threat but people and democracy ...i would even assume that they fear the next popular uprising even from the " Arab Israelis".........they also feel that the regional developments corner now Israel ... so hush hush some little offers - well announced and promoted ... implementation half way - all is okay ......not this time all calculations and risk scenarios might have been wrong for the first time in a long row..
It is time to deliver peace and statehood or face the people and the new leaders of the MENA region together with the new emerging economies ...nothing is anymore like before - a simple reboot will not do - it is about a new design - new relationships - a new order ...........
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the international community's Middle East envoy, Tony Blair, announced Friday a series of gestures that Israel will make to the Palestinians, including a promise to support Arab construction in East Jerusalem.
"In respect of East Jerusalem, the Government of Israel has agreed to encourage the implementation of all projects that abide by municipal regulations that will improve infrastructure there for Palestinians, including in particular housing, starting with two projects in East Jerusalem," Blair announced.
The meeting between Netanyahu and Blair on Friday comes a day before a summit of the Quartet of Mideast peacemakers - the United States, European Union, United Nations and Russia - for whom Blair is the envoy. The Quartet is meeting to discuss the stalemate in peace talks between Israel and the PA.
The package of confidence-building measures that Israel will offer the Palestinian Authority is seen as a bid to moderate the Quartet statement at the end of its deliberations, which is expected to criticize Israel for its continued construction in West Bank settlements.
"On the West Bank, there will be an extension of Palestinian Authority security presence in Area B – with 7 towns approved in principle; an agreement to fast-track the construction or reconstruction of schools and health clinics in Area C on the basis of plans submitted by the Palestinian Authority," Blair said.
In the end, Netanyahu's offer did not include measure that would enable the PA to take over land required to build the new town Rawabi. Blair added, however, "5000 Gaza-registered residents of the West Bank will be given West Bank identity cards."
Israel’s forum of seven senior ministers discussed the proposed gestures to the Palestinians last week. Netanyahu, Defense Minister Ehud Barak and minister Dan Meridor supported the gestures, while ministers Benny Begin, Moshe Ya’alon, Avigdor Lieberman and Eli Yishai objected.
The gestures will also ease the blockade on Gaza, permitting more items for export and permitting a limited amount of construction materials. Blair also announced the agreement to establish "mobile desalination plants to meet Gaza’s needs for clean water and approval in principle for a larger permanent desalination plant."
Netanyahu agreed to the Palestinian Authority's request to renew discussions on the development of an offshore natural gas field opposite Gaza's shores, and agreed in principle for the gas to power the new power plant to be built in Gaza, which he also specifically approved.
Netanyahu said that although Israel's natural gas needs will be satisfied by its Leviathan and Tamar gas fields in ten years' time, it needs other sources of natural gas in the interim, and it is currently dependent upon supply from Egypt. Netanyahu pointed out that the profits from the Palestinian gas field will go to the Palestinian Authority, and not to Hamas, who rules Gaza.
"I am pleased at the package of measures agreed today with the Government of Israel," Blair said in response to Netanyahu's offer, but later added, "Obviously, agreement to all this is not the same as implementation."
Netanyahu began discussing the proposals with Blair last month. Blair, who recently visited Israel and met with Netanyahu, Barak and Shalom, urged the prime minister to publish details of the gestures before the Quartet’s meeting.
Due to its difficult international situation, Israel must do something, Blair says.
The American, Russian and European Union’s foreign ministers are to take part in the Quartet’s meeting in Munich to discuss the complete standstill in the peace talks. The talks would also touch on the U.S. administration’s apparent confusion about a solution to the crisis.
The Quartet’s closing statement is expected to support the World Bank’s prediction that the PA will complete setting up institutions in the coming months to enable it to establish a state.
The Americans have indicated to the European Union that they would not object to an especially harsh statement if the Europeans were the ones behind it, Jerusalem officials said.
Israel hopes the gestures would also encourage the Palestinians to reconsider their refusal to negotiate with Israel.
It is time to deliver peace and statehood or face the people and the new leaders of the MENA region together with the new emerging economies ...nothing is anymore like before - a simple reboot will not do - it is about a new design - new relationships - a new order ...........
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the international community's Middle East envoy, Tony Blair, announced Friday a series of gestures that Israel will make to the Palestinians, including a promise to support Arab construction in East Jerusalem.
"In respect of East Jerusalem, the Government of Israel has agreed to encourage the implementation of all projects that abide by municipal regulations that will improve infrastructure there for Palestinians, including in particular housing, starting with two projects in East Jerusalem," Blair announced.
The meeting between Netanyahu and Blair on Friday comes a day before a summit of the Quartet of Mideast peacemakers - the United States, European Union, United Nations and Russia - for whom Blair is the envoy. The Quartet is meeting to discuss the stalemate in peace talks between Israel and the PA.
The package of confidence-building measures that Israel will offer the Palestinian Authority is seen as a bid to moderate the Quartet statement at the end of its deliberations, which is expected to criticize Israel for its continued construction in West Bank settlements.
"On the West Bank, there will be an extension of Palestinian Authority security presence in Area B – with 7 towns approved in principle; an agreement to fast-track the construction or reconstruction of schools and health clinics in Area C on the basis of plans submitted by the Palestinian Authority," Blair said.
In the end, Netanyahu's offer did not include measure that would enable the PA to take over land required to build the new town Rawabi. Blair added, however, "5000 Gaza-registered residents of the West Bank will be given West Bank identity cards."
Israel’s forum of seven senior ministers discussed the proposed gestures to the Palestinians last week. Netanyahu, Defense Minister Ehud Barak and minister Dan Meridor supported the gestures, while ministers Benny Begin, Moshe Ya’alon, Avigdor Lieberman and Eli Yishai objected.
The gestures will also ease the blockade on Gaza, permitting more items for export and permitting a limited amount of construction materials. Blair also announced the agreement to establish "mobile desalination plants to meet Gaza’s needs for clean water and approval in principle for a larger permanent desalination plant."
Netanyahu agreed to the Palestinian Authority's request to renew discussions on the development of an offshore natural gas field opposite Gaza's shores, and agreed in principle for the gas to power the new power plant to be built in Gaza, which he also specifically approved.
Netanyahu said that although Israel's natural gas needs will be satisfied by its Leviathan and Tamar gas fields in ten years' time, it needs other sources of natural gas in the interim, and it is currently dependent upon supply from Egypt. Netanyahu pointed out that the profits from the Palestinian gas field will go to the Palestinian Authority, and not to Hamas, who rules Gaza.
"I am pleased at the package of measures agreed today with the Government of Israel," Blair said in response to Netanyahu's offer, but later added, "Obviously, agreement to all this is not the same as implementation."
Netanyahu began discussing the proposals with Blair last month. Blair, who recently visited Israel and met with Netanyahu, Barak and Shalom, urged the prime minister to publish details of the gestures before the Quartet’s meeting.
Due to its difficult international situation, Israel must do something, Blair says.
The American, Russian and European Union’s foreign ministers are to take part in the Quartet’s meeting in Munich to discuss the complete standstill in the peace talks. The talks would also touch on the U.S. administration’s apparent confusion about a solution to the crisis.
The Quartet’s closing statement is expected to support the World Bank’s prediction that the PA will complete setting up institutions in the coming months to enable it to establish a state.
The Americans have indicated to the European Union that they would not object to an especially harsh statement if the Europeans were the ones behind it, Jerusalem officials said.
Israel hopes the gestures would also encourage the Palestinians to reconsider their refusal to negotiate with Israel.
Decline! Chaos! Collapse! Appeasement! Flare-ups!
Ooooh... Somebody is not happy.
The Arab revolution and Western decline : Ari Shavit
Two huge processes are happening right before our eyes. One is the Arab liberation revolution. After half a century during which tyrants have ruled the Arab world, their control is weakening. After 40 years of decaying stability, the rot is eating into the stability. The Arab masses will no longer accept what they used to accept. The Arab elites will no longer remain silent.
Processes that have been roiling beneath the surface for about a decade are suddenly bursting out in an intifada of freedom. Modernization, globalization, telecommunications and Islamization have created a critical mass that cannot be stopped. The example of democratic Iraq is awakening others, and Al Jazeera's subversive broadcasts are fanning the flames. And so the Tunisian bastille fell, the Cairo bastille is falling and other Arab bastilles will fall.
The scenes are similar to the Palestinian intifada of 1987, but the collapse recalls the Soviet collapse in Eastern Europe of 1989. No one knows where the intifada will lead. No one knows whether it will bring democracy, theocracy or a new kind of democracy. But things will never again be the same.
The old order in the Middle East is crumbling. Just as the officers' revolution in the 1950s brought down the Arab monarchism that had relied on the colonial powers, the 2011 revolution in the square is bringing down the Arab tyrants who were dependent on the United States.
The second process is the acceleration of the decline of the West. For some 60 years the West gave the world imperfect but stable order. It built a kind of post-imperial empire that promised relative quiet and maximum peace. The rise of China, India, Brazil and Russia, like the economic crisis in the United States, has made it clear that the empire is beginning to fade.
And yet, the West has maintained a sort of international hegemony. Just as no replacement has been found for the dollar, none has been found for North Atlantic leadership. But Western countries' poor handling of the Middle East proves they are no longer leaders. Right before our eyes the superpowers are turning into palaver powers.
There are no excuses for the contradictions. How can it be that Bush's America understood the problem of repression in the Arab world, but Obama's America ignored it until last week? How can it be that in May 2009, Hosni Mubarak was an esteemed president whom Barack Obama respected, and in January 2011, Mubarak is a dictator whom even Obama is casting aside? How can it be that in June 2009, Obama didn't support the masses who came out against the zealot Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, while now he stands by the masses who are coming out against the moderate Mubarak?
There is one answer: The West's position is not a moral one that reflects a real commitment to human rights. The West's position reflects the adoption of Jimmy Carter's worldview: kowtowing to benighted, strong tyrants while abandoning moderate, weak ones.
Carter's betrayal of the Shah brought us the ayatollahs, and will soon bring us ayatollahs with nuclear arms. The consequences of the West's betrayal of Mubarak will be no less severe. It's not only a betrayal of a leader who was loyal to the West, served stability and encouraged moderation. It's a betrayal of every ally of the West in the Middle East and the developing world. The message is sharp and clear: The West's word is no word at all; an alliance with the West is not an alliance. The West has lost it. The West has stopped being a leading and stabilizing force around the world.
The Arab liberation revolution will fundamentally change the Middle East. The acceleration of the West's decline will change the world. One outcome will be a surge toward China, Russia and regional powers like Brazil, Turkey and Iran. Another will be a series of international flare-ups stemming from the West's lost deterrence. But the overall outcome will be the collapse of North Atlantic political hegemony not in decades, but in years. When the United States and Europe bury Mubarak now, they are also burying the powers they once were. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, the age of Western hegemony is fading away.
The Arab revolution and Western decline : Ari Shavit
Two huge processes are happening right before our eyes. One is the Arab liberation revolution. After half a century during which tyrants have ruled the Arab world, their control is weakening. After 40 years of decaying stability, the rot is eating into the stability. The Arab masses will no longer accept what they used to accept. The Arab elites will no longer remain silent.
Processes that have been roiling beneath the surface for about a decade are suddenly bursting out in an intifada of freedom. Modernization, globalization, telecommunications and Islamization have created a critical mass that cannot be stopped. The example of democratic Iraq is awakening others, and Al Jazeera's subversive broadcasts are fanning the flames. And so the Tunisian bastille fell, the Cairo bastille is falling and other Arab bastilles will fall.
The scenes are similar to the Palestinian intifada of 1987, but the collapse recalls the Soviet collapse in Eastern Europe of 1989. No one knows where the intifada will lead. No one knows whether it will bring democracy, theocracy or a new kind of democracy. But things will never again be the same.
The old order in the Middle East is crumbling. Just as the officers' revolution in the 1950s brought down the Arab monarchism that had relied on the colonial powers, the 2011 revolution in the square is bringing down the Arab tyrants who were dependent on the United States.
The second process is the acceleration of the decline of the West. For some 60 years the West gave the world imperfect but stable order. It built a kind of post-imperial empire that promised relative quiet and maximum peace. The rise of China, India, Brazil and Russia, like the economic crisis in the United States, has made it clear that the empire is beginning to fade.
And yet, the West has maintained a sort of international hegemony. Just as no replacement has been found for the dollar, none has been found for North Atlantic leadership. But Western countries' poor handling of the Middle East proves they are no longer leaders. Right before our eyes the superpowers are turning into palaver powers.
There are no excuses for the contradictions. How can it be that Bush's America understood the problem of repression in the Arab world, but Obama's America ignored it until last week? How can it be that in May 2009, Hosni Mubarak was an esteemed president whom Barack Obama respected, and in January 2011, Mubarak is a dictator whom even Obama is casting aside? How can it be that in June 2009, Obama didn't support the masses who came out against the zealot Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, while now he stands by the masses who are coming out against the moderate Mubarak?
There is one answer: The West's position is not a moral one that reflects a real commitment to human rights. The West's position reflects the adoption of Jimmy Carter's worldview: kowtowing to benighted, strong tyrants while abandoning moderate, weak ones.
Carter's betrayal of the Shah brought us the ayatollahs, and will soon bring us ayatollahs with nuclear arms. The consequences of the West's betrayal of Mubarak will be no less severe. It's not only a betrayal of a leader who was loyal to the West, served stability and encouraged moderation. It's a betrayal of every ally of the West in the Middle East and the developing world. The message is sharp and clear: The West's word is no word at all; an alliance with the West is not an alliance. The West has lost it. The West has stopped being a leading and stabilizing force around the world.
The Arab liberation revolution will fundamentally change the Middle East. The acceleration of the West's decline will change the world. One outcome will be a surge toward China, Russia and regional powers like Brazil, Turkey and Iran. Another will be a series of international flare-ups stemming from the West's lost deterrence. But the overall outcome will be the collapse of North Atlantic political hegemony not in decades, but in years. When the United States and Europe bury Mubarak now, they are also burying the powers they once were. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, the age of Western hegemony is fading away.
"J’ai été payé 5 000 livres pour semer le chaos dans les manifestations du Caire"
03/02/2011 / EGYPTE
"J’ai été payé 5 000 livres pour semer le chaos dans les manifestations du Caire"
Egyptemanifestations.Selon la personne qui a filmé cette vidéo, cet homme était du coté des partisans de Moubarak pendant les affrontements qui ont eu lieu hier au centre du Caire. Arrêté par des manifestants d’opposition hier soir, il a avoué devant sa caméra qu’il avait été payé par les autorités pour s’attaquer au cortège et crier "Vive Moubarak".
Ces images ont été filmées hier soir par Mohamed Abd Elatty, journaliste freelance et blogueur au Caire. L’homme qui y témoigne affirme qu’on lui aurait proposé la somme de 5000 livres égyptiennes (621 euros) pour intégrer les milices qui ont participé aux affrontements de mercredi sur la place Tahrir
"J’ai été payé 5 000 livres pour semer le chaos dans les manifestations du Caire"
Egyptemanifestations.Selon la personne qui a filmé cette vidéo, cet homme était du coté des partisans de Moubarak pendant les affrontements qui ont eu lieu hier au centre du Caire. Arrêté par des manifestants d’opposition hier soir, il a avoué devant sa caméra qu’il avait été payé par les autorités pour s’attaquer au cortège et crier "Vive Moubarak".
Ces images ont été filmées hier soir par Mohamed Abd Elatty, journaliste freelance et blogueur au Caire. L’homme qui y témoigne affirme qu’on lui aurait proposé la somme de 5000 livres égyptiennes (621 euros) pour intégrer les milices qui ont participé aux affrontements de mercredi sur la place Tahrir
Manifestation à la Place Neuve demain samedi 5 février- Geneve
Manifestation à la Place Neuve demain samedi 5 février - Merci de faire suivre
Une grande manifestation à la Place Neuve
Samedi 5 février 2011
14h00 - 17h00
en soutien aux demandes du peuple égyptien et contre la répression du régime
Des manifs le même jour à Berne et Zurich
Merci de faire suivre le message
Une grande manifestation à la Place Neuve
Samedi 5 février 2011
14h00 - 17h00
en soutien aux demandes du peuple égyptien et contre la répression du régime
Des manifs le même jour à Berne et Zurich
Merci de faire suivre le message
ISRAEL: Fears grow over outcome of Egyptian unrest : Oxford Analytica
The perception that US guarantees to its Arab allies are not trustworthy has heightened nationalist arguments that peace agreements are too risky, and reduced the prospects that peace talks with the Palestinians will soon resume.
ANALYSIS: Prior to the Israeli-Egyptian security agreement, Israel's regional security policy had been based primarily on maintaining friendly relations with 'second ring' states, especially Iran and Turkey. Peace with Egypt in 1979 gave Israel a direct line of communication to the heartland of the Arab world. It also enabled Israel to cut defence expenditures from about 30% of GDP to about 9% today. The collapse of relations with both Turkey and Iran has made Israel's relations with Egypt all the more important (see TURKEY/ISRAEL: Diplomats will try to overcome politics - December 21, 2010).
Israel has viewed President Hosni Mubarak as the anchor of that agreement; although the peace has been 'cold', Mubarak was perceived as a central stabilising factor in the region (see ISRAEL/EGYPT: Relations will stay focused on security - May 3, 2010). He was able to fend off attempts by radicals to abrogate the pact, and also acted as a mediator between Israel and the Palestinians.
Fears. Following major unrest in Cairo, Israel fears that it may once again have to contend with hostile regimes both to its north and south, and that other major regional players will also be affected. Three concerns are paramount:
Egypt, especially if the Muslim Brotherhood gains power, could abrogate the peace agreement.
Other regional powers will no longer trust the United States not to abandon them as it has Mubarak. This could lead them to seek an accommodation with Iran for self-protection.
Peace negotiations can only be successful if accompanied by US guarantees. If Washington appears to be breaking a long-standing alliance with Mubarak, this could affect the belief in the value of those guarantees.
These fears explain why Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu this week demanded that Western countries delay according legitimacy to any new Egyptian government until it has reaffirmed a commitment to the peace agreement. They also explain the televised condemnation by all former Israeli ambassadors to Egypt of the approach of Washington and European states.
Frustration. As the US position has become increasingly firm in recent days, frustration has risen sharply. US President Barack Obama is now perceived by Israel as having little understanding of Middle Eastern culture, since:
senior officials consider his demands of Mubarak to have given the impression of an imperious master dealing with a servant -- and his reactions to Israel are being perceived similarly;
he has left Mubarak with no honourable way out -- in important consideration in the region -- and made no mention of his positive achievements during 30 years of intimate relations with Washington;
the apparent willingness of some Egyptian opposition groups, such as the Wafd party, to negotiate with the regime, was superseded by Obama's demands that Mubarak step down; which
Israel compares to US demands for a total settlement freeze, making it impossible for the Palestinians to compromise on settlements.
Israel also decries the demands for quick, open elections before preconditions for democracy -- an independent judiciary, the creation of a civil society and other institutions -- are put into place. Without such measures, they argue, it will be too easy for the Muslim Brotherhood to seize power. They point to Hamas's victory at the polls, and its subsequent violent seizure of power in Gaza, as a case in point.
Security stakes. Israel's first reaction to the protests was to reinforce its military units along the border. In the short term, it does not fear tension on the border, but there was concern about a possible influx of Egypt-based Sudanese and Eritrean refugees, or of Bedouin fleeing clashes with the army in the Sinai (see ISRAEL: New efforts unlikely to curb illegal migration - December 20, 2010). There were also worries that Gaza-based militants might use the opportunity to try to infiltrate Israel from the Sinai.
In the medium term, there are fears that a new Egyptian government that includes the Muslim Brotherhood would be much more sympathetic to Hamas, and might turn a blind eye to the import of weaponry into Gaza. In the long term, the Israelis fear that Egyptian developments may lead to a greater radicalisation throughout the region that, in turn, would enable Iran to spread its influence.
Economic stakes. Israel's economic stakes are high. Bilateral trade in industrial goods is small; it rose by 24% last year, but stands at only about 500 million dollars. However, 90% of Israel's trade with Asia passes through the Suez Canal, and Egypt supplies 40% of the gas used in Israeli electrical production -- about a quarter of all the fuel burned to produce electricity.
Mitigating factors. However, Israeli security analysts believe that any new Egyptian government will have little choice but to focus on domestic issues in the short term. Moreover, they know that a formal break with Israel could have significant economic consequences for Egypt:
Egypt originally sought peace because the cost of maintaining a massive army was a huge drain on economic development; tension with Israel would inevitably lead to an increase in the defence budget. The agreement also brought massive US military aid that would be jeopardised if Egypt resumed a hostile posture towards Israel.
Gas sales to Israel are a major earner of foreign exchange. Moreover, since Israeli electrical generating plants were originally designed to burn coal, Israel could survive a halt in gas sales by pumping more gas from its own Yam Tethys field and by switching back to using coal -- at least until its newest Tamar gas field comes on stream (see ISRAEL: Promising gas outlook stokes political debate - November 30, 2010).
Tens of thousands of Egyptian jobs are now dependent on the Qualified Investment Zones. Under a 2004 agreement, Egyptian exports from these zones enter the United States customs-free if they have a certain percentage of Israeli inputs.
Peace process. While officials are acting cautiously, hard-line nationalists have already launched a major public relations campaign claiming that, as the potential overthrow of Mubarak has shown, any peace agreement with any Arab country is inherently at risk -- and that a deal with the Palestinians would be even more risky. Moreover, the Palestinian National Authority, seemingly attempting to ward off contagion, has announced that it will hold municipal and general elections later this year. This may provide Netanyahu with another reason not to resume the peace talks. Furthermore, the peace process has always been reliant on support from other Arab states, with Egyptian support crucial; the emergence of a different government could see this support dissolve.
CONCLUSION: Israel's stake in the outcome of the unrest is exceptionally high. It fears a Muslim Brotherhood takeover, Egyptian support for Hamas and growing Iranian influence across the region. It also is growing increasingly frustrated with the US role. The perception that US guarantees to its Arab allies are not trustworthy has heightened nationalist arguments that peace agreements are too risky, and reduced the prospects that peace talks with the Palestinians will soon resume.
ANALYSIS: Prior to the Israeli-Egyptian security agreement, Israel's regional security policy had been based primarily on maintaining friendly relations with 'second ring' states, especially Iran and Turkey. Peace with Egypt in 1979 gave Israel a direct line of communication to the heartland of the Arab world. It also enabled Israel to cut defence expenditures from about 30% of GDP to about 9% today. The collapse of relations with both Turkey and Iran has made Israel's relations with Egypt all the more important (see TURKEY/ISRAEL: Diplomats will try to overcome politics - December 21, 2010).
Israel has viewed President Hosni Mubarak as the anchor of that agreement; although the peace has been 'cold', Mubarak was perceived as a central stabilising factor in the region (see ISRAEL/EGYPT: Relations will stay focused on security - May 3, 2010). He was able to fend off attempts by radicals to abrogate the pact, and also acted as a mediator between Israel and the Palestinians.
Fears. Following major unrest in Cairo, Israel fears that it may once again have to contend with hostile regimes both to its north and south, and that other major regional players will also be affected. Three concerns are paramount:
Egypt, especially if the Muslim Brotherhood gains power, could abrogate the peace agreement.
Other regional powers will no longer trust the United States not to abandon them as it has Mubarak. This could lead them to seek an accommodation with Iran for self-protection.
Peace negotiations can only be successful if accompanied by US guarantees. If Washington appears to be breaking a long-standing alliance with Mubarak, this could affect the belief in the value of those guarantees.
These fears explain why Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu this week demanded that Western countries delay according legitimacy to any new Egyptian government until it has reaffirmed a commitment to the peace agreement. They also explain the televised condemnation by all former Israeli ambassadors to Egypt of the approach of Washington and European states.
Frustration. As the US position has become increasingly firm in recent days, frustration has risen sharply. US President Barack Obama is now perceived by Israel as having little understanding of Middle Eastern culture, since:
senior officials consider his demands of Mubarak to have given the impression of an imperious master dealing with a servant -- and his reactions to Israel are being perceived similarly;
he has left Mubarak with no honourable way out -- in important consideration in the region -- and made no mention of his positive achievements during 30 years of intimate relations with Washington;
the apparent willingness of some Egyptian opposition groups, such as the Wafd party, to negotiate with the regime, was superseded by Obama's demands that Mubarak step down; which
Israel compares to US demands for a total settlement freeze, making it impossible for the Palestinians to compromise on settlements.
Israel also decries the demands for quick, open elections before preconditions for democracy -- an independent judiciary, the creation of a civil society and other institutions -- are put into place. Without such measures, they argue, it will be too easy for the Muslim Brotherhood to seize power. They point to Hamas's victory at the polls, and its subsequent violent seizure of power in Gaza, as a case in point.
Security stakes. Israel's first reaction to the protests was to reinforce its military units along the border. In the short term, it does not fear tension on the border, but there was concern about a possible influx of Egypt-based Sudanese and Eritrean refugees, or of Bedouin fleeing clashes with the army in the Sinai (see ISRAEL: New efforts unlikely to curb illegal migration - December 20, 2010). There were also worries that Gaza-based militants might use the opportunity to try to infiltrate Israel from the Sinai.
In the medium term, there are fears that a new Egyptian government that includes the Muslim Brotherhood would be much more sympathetic to Hamas, and might turn a blind eye to the import of weaponry into Gaza. In the long term, the Israelis fear that Egyptian developments may lead to a greater radicalisation throughout the region that, in turn, would enable Iran to spread its influence.
Economic stakes. Israel's economic stakes are high. Bilateral trade in industrial goods is small; it rose by 24% last year, but stands at only about 500 million dollars. However, 90% of Israel's trade with Asia passes through the Suez Canal, and Egypt supplies 40% of the gas used in Israeli electrical production -- about a quarter of all the fuel burned to produce electricity.
Mitigating factors. However, Israeli security analysts believe that any new Egyptian government will have little choice but to focus on domestic issues in the short term. Moreover, they know that a formal break with Israel could have significant economic consequences for Egypt:
Egypt originally sought peace because the cost of maintaining a massive army was a huge drain on economic development; tension with Israel would inevitably lead to an increase in the defence budget. The agreement also brought massive US military aid that would be jeopardised if Egypt resumed a hostile posture towards Israel.
Gas sales to Israel are a major earner of foreign exchange. Moreover, since Israeli electrical generating plants were originally designed to burn coal, Israel could survive a halt in gas sales by pumping more gas from its own Yam Tethys field and by switching back to using coal -- at least until its newest Tamar gas field comes on stream (see ISRAEL: Promising gas outlook stokes political debate - November 30, 2010).
Tens of thousands of Egyptian jobs are now dependent on the Qualified Investment Zones. Under a 2004 agreement, Egyptian exports from these zones enter the United States customs-free if they have a certain percentage of Israeli inputs.
Peace process. While officials are acting cautiously, hard-line nationalists have already launched a major public relations campaign claiming that, as the potential overthrow of Mubarak has shown, any peace agreement with any Arab country is inherently at risk -- and that a deal with the Palestinians would be even more risky. Moreover, the Palestinian National Authority, seemingly attempting to ward off contagion, has announced that it will hold municipal and general elections later this year. This may provide Netanyahu with another reason not to resume the peace talks. Furthermore, the peace process has always been reliant on support from other Arab states, with Egyptian support crucial; the emergence of a different government could see this support dissolve.
CONCLUSION: Israel's stake in the outcome of the unrest is exceptionally high. It fears a Muslim Brotherhood takeover, Egyptian support for Hamas and growing Iranian influence across the region. It also is growing increasingly frustrated with the US role. The perception that US guarantees to its Arab allies are not trustworthy has heightened nationalist arguments that peace agreements are too risky, and reduced the prospects that peace talks with the Palestinians will soon resume.
We already have "State institutions" in less than two years. Good to hear.
Statement on behalf of the Chair and Co-Chairs of the International Donors’ Conference for the Palestinian State (February, 3rd 2011)
1. The Chair and the Co-Chairs of the International Donors’ Conference for the Palestinian State held in Paris on December 17, 2007 (Foreign and European Affairs Minister Alliot-Marie, Foreign Minister Støre, High Representative Ashton and Head of Mission of the Quartet Representative Grappo) met tonight in Paris together with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. The period covered by the Paris Conference having reached its end, they reviewed how donors have delivered on their pledges and assessed the implementation of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan of building the institutions to create the State of Palestine within the agreed timeline.
2. The Paris Conference sent a strong signal of political and financial support to the government of President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and to their vision of the future Palestinian State. The donors have fulfilled their pledges by transferring around USD 7.7 billion pledged in Paris, including USD 4.3 billion for budgetary assistance. The Chair and Co-Chairs welcomed the progress achieved by the Palestinian Authority (PA), especially the strengthening of state institutions within the framework of the 13th Palestinian government program. There has been significant progress in particular as regards the management and transparency of public finance, governance, social improvements, justice and security issues. The Ad-Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) in New York in September last year welcomed the World Bank statement that “if the PA maintains its current performance in institution-building and delivery of public services, it is well positioned for the establishment of a State at any point in the near future”. In this regard, the successful reforms allow the PA to halve its dependence on budgetary assistance from 2008 to 2011. The Chair and Co-Chairs also commend the Quartet Representative for the work he has done.
3. As the PA continues to have substantial financing needs for 2011, the Chair and Co-Chairs call on the international community, with equitable burden sharing, to continue its efforts beyond what was initially pledged in Paris in 2007, and transfer their budgetary assistance as soon as possible. Early disbursement is crucial to support continued momentum in the empowerment and reform of the Palestinian institutions and to assure financial stability.
4. The Chair and Co-Chairs call on Israel to take more ambitious, structural measures to continue to ease access and movement in compliance with the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access. Such further steps are needed to release the full potential of the policies led by the Palestinian Authority and the financial support provided by the international community. Measures need to be taken immediately to improve the movement of persons and goods, regarding the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. To meet the needs of the people of Gaza, full and effective implementation of the measures announced by Israel to alleviate the blockade on Gaza is indispensable. The Chair and the Co-Chairs reiterated the importance of the Palestinian Authority in all our efforts in Gaza, and that a lasting solution to the situation in Gaza can only be achieved through peaceful means and by ending the blockade.
5. At the request of the PA, a new international donors’ conference for the Palestinian State will be held in Paris in June 2011. This will take place shortly ahead of the date set by the Quartet for a political agreement to be found by the Parties through negotiation and before the completion of the 13th government’s state-building plan. The conference will address the PA’s strategic development plan and will also have a strong political dimension.
6. The Chair and Co-chairs call for full support of the steps undertaken by the Quartet and by the United States to assist the parties in negotiating a sovereign, viable, contiguous, independent and democratic State of Palestine living side by side with Israel in peace and security, within secure and recognized borders, established on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative.
1. The Chair and the Co-Chairs of the International Donors’ Conference for the Palestinian State held in Paris on December 17, 2007 (Foreign and European Affairs Minister Alliot-Marie, Foreign Minister Støre, High Representative Ashton and Head of Mission of the Quartet Representative Grappo) met tonight in Paris together with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. The period covered by the Paris Conference having reached its end, they reviewed how donors have delivered on their pledges and assessed the implementation of the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan of building the institutions to create the State of Palestine within the agreed timeline.
2. The Paris Conference sent a strong signal of political and financial support to the government of President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and to their vision of the future Palestinian State. The donors have fulfilled their pledges by transferring around USD 7.7 billion pledged in Paris, including USD 4.3 billion for budgetary assistance. The Chair and Co-Chairs welcomed the progress achieved by the Palestinian Authority (PA), especially the strengthening of state institutions within the framework of the 13th Palestinian government program. There has been significant progress in particular as regards the management and transparency of public finance, governance, social improvements, justice and security issues. The Ad-Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) in New York in September last year welcomed the World Bank statement that “if the PA maintains its current performance in institution-building and delivery of public services, it is well positioned for the establishment of a State at any point in the near future”. In this regard, the successful reforms allow the PA to halve its dependence on budgetary assistance from 2008 to 2011. The Chair and Co-Chairs also commend the Quartet Representative for the work he has done.
3. As the PA continues to have substantial financing needs for 2011, the Chair and Co-Chairs call on the international community, with equitable burden sharing, to continue its efforts beyond what was initially pledged in Paris in 2007, and transfer their budgetary assistance as soon as possible. Early disbursement is crucial to support continued momentum in the empowerment and reform of the Palestinian institutions and to assure financial stability.
4. The Chair and Co-Chairs call on Israel to take more ambitious, structural measures to continue to ease access and movement in compliance with the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access. Such further steps are needed to release the full potential of the policies led by the Palestinian Authority and the financial support provided by the international community. Measures need to be taken immediately to improve the movement of persons and goods, regarding the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. To meet the needs of the people of Gaza, full and effective implementation of the measures announced by Israel to alleviate the blockade on Gaza is indispensable. The Chair and the Co-Chairs reiterated the importance of the Palestinian Authority in all our efforts in Gaza, and that a lasting solution to the situation in Gaza can only be achieved through peaceful means and by ending the blockade.
5. At the request of the PA, a new international donors’ conference for the Palestinian State will be held in Paris in June 2011. This will take place shortly ahead of the date set by the Quartet for a political agreement to be found by the Parties through negotiation and before the completion of the 13th government’s state-building plan. The conference will address the PA’s strategic development plan and will also have a strong political dimension.
6. The Chair and Co-chairs call for full support of the steps undertaken by the Quartet and by the United States to assist the parties in negotiating a sovereign, viable, contiguous, independent and democratic State of Palestine living side by side with Israel in peace and security, within secure and recognized borders, established on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative.
Please tell me this is a joke? An impersonatorمن فضلك قل بان هذه فقط نكتة
القذافي يعتقد بانه يلقي النكات وبان دمه خفيف
It's not radical Islam that worries the US : Noam Chomsky
It's not radical Islam that worries the US – it's independenceThe nature of any regime it backs in the Arab world is secondary to control. Subjects are ignored until they break their chains
Observers compared it to the toppling of Russian domains in 1989, but there are important differences. Crucially, no Mikhail Gorbachev exists among the great powers that support the Arab dictators. Rather, Washington and its allies keep to the well-established principle that democracy is acceptable only insofar as it conforms to strategic and economic objectives: fine in enemy territory (up to a point), but not in our backyard, please, unless properly tamed.
One 1989 comparison has some validity: Romania, where Washington maintained its support for Nicolae Ceausescu, the most vicious of the east European dictators, until the allegiance became untenable. Then Washington hailed his overthrow while the past was erased. That is a standard pattern: Ferdinand Marcos, Jean-Claude Duvalier, Chun Doo-hwan, Suharto and many other useful gangsters. It may be under way in the case of Hosni Mubarak, along with routine efforts to try to ensure a successor regime will not veer far from the approved path. The current hope appears to be Mubarak loyalist General Omar Suleiman, just named Egypt's vice-president. Suleiman, the longtime head of the intelligence services, is despised by the rebelling public almost as much as the dictator himself.
A common refrain among pundits is that fear of radical Islam requires (reluctant) opposition to democracy on pragmatic grounds. While not without some merit, the formulation is misleading. The general threat has always been independence. The US and its allies have regularly supported radical Islamists, sometimes to prevent the threat of secular nationalism.
A familiar example is Saudi Arabia, the ideological centre of radical Islam (and of Islamic terror). Another in a long list is Zia ul-Haq, the most brutal of Pakistan's dictators and President Reagan's favorite, who carried out a programme of radical Islamisation (with Saudi funding).
"The traditional argument put forward in and out of the Arab world is that there is nothing wrong, everything is under control," says Marwan Muasher, a former Jordanian official and now director of Middle East research for the Carnegie Endowment. "With this line of thinking, entrenched forces argue that opponents and outsiders calling for reform are exaggerating the conditions on the ground."
Therefore the public can be dismissed. The doctrine traces far back and generalises worldwide, to US home territory as well. In the event of unrest, tactical shifts may be necessary, but always with an eye to reasserting control.
The vibrant democracy movement in Tunisia was directed against "a police state, with little freedom of expression or association, and serious human rights problems", ruled by a dictator whose family was hated for their venality. So said US ambassador Robert Godec in a July 2009 cable released by WikiLeaks.
"America should give Assange a medal," says a headline in the Financial Times, where Gideon Rachman writes: "America's foreign policy comes across as principled, intelligent and pragmatic … the public position taken by the US on any given issue is usually the private position as well."
In this view, WikiLeaks undermines "conspiracy theorists" who question the noble motives Washington proclaims.
Godec's cable supports these judgments – at least if we look no further. If we do,, as foreign policy analyst Stephen Zunes reports in Foreign Policy in Focus, we find that, with Godec's information in hand, Washington provided $12m in military aid to Tunisia. As it happens, Tunisia was one of only five foreign beneficiaries: Israel (routinely); the two Middle East dictatorships Egypt and Jordan; and Colombia, which has long had the worst human-rights record and the most US military aid in the hemisphere.
Heilbrunn's exhibit A is Arab support for US policies targeting Iran, revealed by leaked cables. Rachman too seizes on this example, as did the media generally, hailing these encouraging revelations. The reactions illustrate how profound is the contempt for democracy in the educated culture.
Unmentioned is what the population thinks – easily discovered. According to polls released by the Brookings Institution in August, some Arabs agree with Washington and western commentators that Iran is a threat: 10%. In contrast, they regard the US and Israel as the major threats (77%; 88%).
Other leaks also appear to lend support to the enthusiastic judgments about Washington's nobility. In July 2009, Hugo Llorens, U.S. ambassador to Honduras, informed Washington of an embassy investigation of "legal and constitutional issues surrounding the 28 June forced removal of President Manuel 'Mel' Zelaya."
The embassy concluded that "there is no doubt that the military, supreme court and national congress conspired on 28 June in what constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup against the executive branch". Very admirable, except that President Obama proceeded to break with almost all of Latin America and Europe by supporting the coup regime and dismissing subsequent atrocities.
Perhaps the most remarkable WikiLeaks revelations have to do with Pakistan, reviewed by foreign policy analyst Fred Branfman in Truthdig.
The cables reveal that the US embassy is well aware that Washington's war in Afghanistan and Pakistan not only intensifies rampant anti-Americanism but also "risks destabilising the Pakistani state" and even raises a threat of the ultimate nightmare: that nuclear weapons might fall into the hands of Islamic terrorists.
Again, the revelations "should create a comforting feeling … that officials are not asleep at the switch" (Heilbrunn's words) – while Washington marches stalwartly toward disaster.
Observers compared it to the toppling of Russian domains in 1989, but there are important differences. Crucially, no Mikhail Gorbachev exists among the great powers that support the Arab dictators. Rather, Washington and its allies keep to the well-established principle that democracy is acceptable only insofar as it conforms to strategic and economic objectives: fine in enemy territory (up to a point), but not in our backyard, please, unless properly tamed.
One 1989 comparison has some validity: Romania, where Washington maintained its support for Nicolae Ceausescu, the most vicious of the east European dictators, until the allegiance became untenable. Then Washington hailed his overthrow while the past was erased. That is a standard pattern: Ferdinand Marcos, Jean-Claude Duvalier, Chun Doo-hwan, Suharto and many other useful gangsters. It may be under way in the case of Hosni Mubarak, along with routine efforts to try to ensure a successor regime will not veer far from the approved path. The current hope appears to be Mubarak loyalist General Omar Suleiman, just named Egypt's vice-president. Suleiman, the longtime head of the intelligence services, is despised by the rebelling public almost as much as the dictator himself.
A common refrain among pundits is that fear of radical Islam requires (reluctant) opposition to democracy on pragmatic grounds. While not without some merit, the formulation is misleading. The general threat has always been independence. The US and its allies have regularly supported radical Islamists, sometimes to prevent the threat of secular nationalism.
A familiar example is Saudi Arabia, the ideological centre of radical Islam (and of Islamic terror). Another in a long list is Zia ul-Haq, the most brutal of Pakistan's dictators and President Reagan's favorite, who carried out a programme of radical Islamisation (with Saudi funding).
"The traditional argument put forward in and out of the Arab world is that there is nothing wrong, everything is under control," says Marwan Muasher, a former Jordanian official and now director of Middle East research for the Carnegie Endowment. "With this line of thinking, entrenched forces argue that opponents and outsiders calling for reform are exaggerating the conditions on the ground."
Therefore the public can be dismissed. The doctrine traces far back and generalises worldwide, to US home territory as well. In the event of unrest, tactical shifts may be necessary, but always with an eye to reasserting control.
The vibrant democracy movement in Tunisia was directed against "a police state, with little freedom of expression or association, and serious human rights problems", ruled by a dictator whose family was hated for their venality. So said US ambassador Robert Godec in a July 2009 cable released by WikiLeaks.
"America should give Assange a medal," says a headline in the Financial Times, where Gideon Rachman writes: "America's foreign policy comes across as principled, intelligent and pragmatic … the public position taken by the US on any given issue is usually the private position as well."
In this view, WikiLeaks undermines "conspiracy theorists" who question the noble motives Washington proclaims.
Godec's cable supports these judgments – at least if we look no further. If we do,, as foreign policy analyst Stephen Zunes reports in Foreign Policy in Focus, we find that, with Godec's information in hand, Washington provided $12m in military aid to Tunisia. As it happens, Tunisia was one of only five foreign beneficiaries: Israel (routinely); the two Middle East dictatorships Egypt and Jordan; and Colombia, which has long had the worst human-rights record and the most US military aid in the hemisphere.
Heilbrunn's exhibit A is Arab support for US policies targeting Iran, revealed by leaked cables. Rachman too seizes on this example, as did the media generally, hailing these encouraging revelations. The reactions illustrate how profound is the contempt for democracy in the educated culture.
Unmentioned is what the population thinks – easily discovered. According to polls released by the Brookings Institution in August, some Arabs agree with Washington and western commentators that Iran is a threat: 10%. In contrast, they regard the US and Israel as the major threats (77%; 88%).
Other leaks also appear to lend support to the enthusiastic judgments about Washington's nobility. In July 2009, Hugo Llorens, U.S. ambassador to Honduras, informed Washington of an embassy investigation of "legal and constitutional issues surrounding the 28 June forced removal of President Manuel 'Mel' Zelaya."
The embassy concluded that "there is no doubt that the military, supreme court and national congress conspired on 28 June in what constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup against the executive branch". Very admirable, except that President Obama proceeded to break with almost all of Latin America and Europe by supporting the coup regime and dismissing subsequent atrocities.
Perhaps the most remarkable WikiLeaks revelations have to do with Pakistan, reviewed by foreign policy analyst Fred Branfman in Truthdig.
The cables reveal that the US embassy is well aware that Washington's war in Afghanistan and Pakistan not only intensifies rampant anti-Americanism but also "risks destabilising the Pakistani state" and even raises a threat of the ultimate nightmare: that nuclear weapons might fall into the hands of Islamic terrorists.
Again, the revelations "should create a comforting feeling … that officials are not asleep at the switch" (Heilbrunn's words) – while Washington marches stalwartly toward disaster.
Bachar el-Assad sous la menace d’un peuple en colère : Stéphane Bussard
David Lesch a rencontré à plusieurs reprises Bachar el-Assad. Professeur d’histoire du Moyen-Orient à la Trinity University de San Antonio, il relève que plusieurs facteurs rapprochent le cas syrien des situations tunisienne et égyptienne : une répartition très inégalitaire des ressources, un chômage qui culmine à 20%, voire plus chez les jeunes urbains éduqués, un taux de natalité élevé et une pauvreté qui accable près de 14% des 22 millions de Syriens. « Mais plusieurs éléments montrent que la Syrie est très différente des deux autres pays arabes. Damas n’est pas le laquais des Etats-Unis. Il manifeste au contraire son opposition à Israël et à Washington par son soutien au Hezbollah libanais et au Hamas palestinien. Selon moi, si l’effet domino se produit, la Syrie sera parmi les dernières à en subir les effets. Les régimes qui chutent sont ceux qui étaient liés de près à Washington. »
Dans une interview accordée au Wall Street Journal à fin janvier, le président syrien vantait l’immunité syrienne par rapport aux virus révolutionnaires égyptiens et tunisiens. Pour Barah Mikaïl, directeur de recherche à la Fondation pour les relations internationales et le dialogue extérieur (Fride) à Madrid, Bachar el-Assad a un rapport particulier à la population : « En livrant un bras de fer aux Etats-Unis et à Israël, il a réussi à compenser les gros déficits politiques et économiques internes. Ce faisant, il a en quelque sorte redonné une dignité et un honneur aux Syriens. L’habileté du chef d’Etat syrien est aussi d’anticiper en permanence les risques de déstabilisation du pouvoir. »
Bien que minoritaire (alaouite, une branche du chiisme) dans un pays à majorité sunnite, Bachar el-Assad peut compter sur le soutien d’autres minoritaires, les chrétiens. Et Barah Mikaïl d’ajouter : « Bachar el-Assad a aussi d’emblée voulu se montrer proche du peuple. Il n’habite pas le Palais présidentiel, il se mêle régulièrement à la foule ou va manger un sandwich dans un boui-boui de Damas. Signe du changement de perception du maître de Damas : à l’époque, les gens se sentaient obligés d’afficher le portrait d’Hafez el-Assad dans leurs commerces. En privé, ils s’y refusaient. Aujourd’hui, le portrait de Bachar est entré dans l’espace privé des Syriens. »
La stabilité du pouvoir syrien ne relève toutefois pas que des bons sentiments. Bachar el-Assad dispose d’un appareil sécuritaire capable d’étouffer la moindre contestation populaire. Les moukhabarat (services de sécurité) hérités du pouvoir de fer d’Hafez el-Assad restent d’une redoutable efficacité. David Lesch rappelle que le massacre d’Hama, orchestré par le Lion de Damas en 1982, avait fait entre 10 000 et 20 000 morts. Le pouvoir syrien avait écrasé l’un des bastions des Frères musulmans. « Pour les Syriens, ce souvenir agit comme une piqûre de rappel et un facteur de dissuasion efficace, analyse le professeur. Quant à l’armée, elle n’a pas l’indépendance dont elle bénéficie dans certains pays. Elle est intimement liée au régime. Si le régime chute, elle chute avec lui. »
En Syrie, l’opposition, très disparate, est quasi inexistante et la société civile moins active qu’ailleurs. « La Syrie a été l’un des derniers pays arabes à introduire Internet et à autoriser des ONG », souligne Riccardo Bocco, professeur à l’Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (IHEID).
La colère de la population syrienne peut néanmoins s’accroître à la lumière des promesses que Bachar el-Assad a faites en accédant au pouvoir. « Il parlait de démocratie, il était question de printemps syrien jusqu’en 2001. Ces espoirs ont été déçus », selon Barah Mikaïl.
Pour Mohammad-Reza Djalili, professeur honoraire de l’IHEID, la chute du régime syrien aurait des conséquences considérables : « Aux côtés de l’Egypte, la Syrie est l’un des deux pôles du Machrek. Avec la chute d’El-Assad, tout le système d’alliances du Levant tomberait : le soutien syrien au Hezbollah, aux Palestiniens de gauche, à l’Iran. Ce dernier perdrait son seul allié régional. »
Dans une interview accordée au Wall Street Journal à fin janvier, le président syrien vantait l’immunité syrienne par rapport aux virus révolutionnaires égyptiens et tunisiens. Pour Barah Mikaïl, directeur de recherche à la Fondation pour les relations internationales et le dialogue extérieur (Fride) à Madrid, Bachar el-Assad a un rapport particulier à la population : « En livrant un bras de fer aux Etats-Unis et à Israël, il a réussi à compenser les gros déficits politiques et économiques internes. Ce faisant, il a en quelque sorte redonné une dignité et un honneur aux Syriens. L’habileté du chef d’Etat syrien est aussi d’anticiper en permanence les risques de déstabilisation du pouvoir. »
Bien que minoritaire (alaouite, une branche du chiisme) dans un pays à majorité sunnite, Bachar el-Assad peut compter sur le soutien d’autres minoritaires, les chrétiens. Et Barah Mikaïl d’ajouter : « Bachar el-Assad a aussi d’emblée voulu se montrer proche du peuple. Il n’habite pas le Palais présidentiel, il se mêle régulièrement à la foule ou va manger un sandwich dans un boui-boui de Damas. Signe du changement de perception du maître de Damas : à l’époque, les gens se sentaient obligés d’afficher le portrait d’Hafez el-Assad dans leurs commerces. En privé, ils s’y refusaient. Aujourd’hui, le portrait de Bachar est entré dans l’espace privé des Syriens. »
La stabilité du pouvoir syrien ne relève toutefois pas que des bons sentiments. Bachar el-Assad dispose d’un appareil sécuritaire capable d’étouffer la moindre contestation populaire. Les moukhabarat (services de sécurité) hérités du pouvoir de fer d’Hafez el-Assad restent d’une redoutable efficacité. David Lesch rappelle que le massacre d’Hama, orchestré par le Lion de Damas en 1982, avait fait entre 10 000 et 20 000 morts. Le pouvoir syrien avait écrasé l’un des bastions des Frères musulmans. « Pour les Syriens, ce souvenir agit comme une piqûre de rappel et un facteur de dissuasion efficace, analyse le professeur. Quant à l’armée, elle n’a pas l’indépendance dont elle bénéficie dans certains pays. Elle est intimement liée au régime. Si le régime chute, elle chute avec lui. »
En Syrie, l’opposition, très disparate, est quasi inexistante et la société civile moins active qu’ailleurs. « La Syrie a été l’un des derniers pays arabes à introduire Internet et à autoriser des ONG », souligne Riccardo Bocco, professeur à l’Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (IHEID).
La colère de la population syrienne peut néanmoins s’accroître à la lumière des promesses que Bachar el-Assad a faites en accédant au pouvoir. « Il parlait de démocratie, il était question de printemps syrien jusqu’en 2001. Ces espoirs ont été déçus », selon Barah Mikaïl.
Pour Mohammad-Reza Djalili, professeur honoraire de l’IHEID, la chute du régime syrien aurait des conséquences considérables : « Aux côtés de l’Egypte, la Syrie est l’un des deux pôles du Machrek. Avec la chute d’El-Assad, tout le système d’alliances du Levant tomberait : le soutien syrien au Hezbollah, aux Palestiniens de gauche, à l’Iran. Ce dernier perdrait son seul allié régional. »
خرج المارد العربي الى البحرين : حركة احرار البحرين الاسلامية
واخيرا خرج المارد العربي الثوري من قمقمه، واسقط طغاة قضوا عقودا في الحكم جاثمين على صدور الشعوب المستضعفة، وعاثوا فسادا في الارض. انغام نشيد الحرية يطرب آذان الاحرار، و&# 1610;زعج المستبدين والعملاء، وجحافل المحتجين جابت الشوارع في عواصم تونس ومصر والاردن واليمن، وغيرت اجواء الركود والخنوع وحولتها الى اجواء تعبق بطيب الثورة وتنطق بمشاع& #1585; الانعتاق من سنوات الاستعباد والظلم على ايدي عشاق المنصب وعبيد الشيطان. وبرغم ما يحاك في الخفاء لاجهاض ثورة الشعوب العربية ضد الانظمة الديكتاتورية فقد اثبتت انها ق 75;درة على مواصلة دربها، غير عابئة بتلك المعوقات المصطنعة، وان اساليب التخدير والتجهيل والاستضعاف انما تؤجل الثورة ولكنها لا تلغيها. فما جرى في تونس اثبت بما لا يترك مج 5;لا للشك قدرة الشعوب على النهضة وإسقاط الطغاة، واثبتت ايضا ان اولئك المستبدين انما هم نمور ورقية لا تستطيع الصمود امام عواصف التغيير التي تغذيها سنوات الظلم والقهر. سق ;ط طاغية تونس، ويلحقه فرعون مصر، ويليهما بقية المتجبرين الذين اتخذوا عباد الله خولاً، ومال الله دولاً. جثموا على صدور ابناء الامة عقودا، وساموهم العذاب، واستضعفوهم أ&# 1610;ما استضعاف، حتى جاء وعد الله، وحل عليهم غضبه، فانفجر مواطنوهم غضبا، وأسقطوا حكمهم، وأذلوهم في الدنيا قبل الآخرة. لقد تقزم رئيس مصر وأراه الله الذل امام مرأى العالم وم&# 1587;معه، كما فعل مع طاغية تونس، وقبلهما صدام حسين. وندعو الله سبحانه وتعالى ان ينتقم لدماء شهدائنا وجراح سجنائنا من هذا الطاغية الذي يفوق في اجرامه وقمعه وارهابه بقية الم&# 1580;رمين.
لقد تحركت دماء الثورة في جسد شعبنا، وقرر اطلاق ثورته ضد نظام الاحتلال الخليفي المقيت، أين الموقف المسؤول من جانب قوى التحرر والشخصيات الرافضة للاستبداد؟ كيف تت 93;اطى مع هذا القرار الفطري الذي لم ينطلق لو لم يكن الاحتقان السياسي قد بلغ ذروته؟ لقد وفر الله امام الجهات السياسية الراغبة في التغيير فرصة صحوة الضمير البحراني، فجاء ا 93;لان يوم الغضب ليدشن عهدا جديدا من الكرامة والحرية والثورة ضد هذا النظام الذي مارس الفساد والافساد على اوسع نطاق، حتى فعل ما لم يفعله بقية المجرمين، وسعى لاستبدال الشŸ 3;ب بغيره، وهي خطوة شيطانية مقززة، تستفز الضمير الانساني وتعمق الغضب في نفوس البحرانيين على اختلاف مشاربهم السياسية وانتماءاتهم المذهبية. اهل البحرين عاشوا اخوة بدو 606; تمايز او تباغض او تحاقد حتى جاء الخليفيون المحتلون واوغروا نار الفتنة، ومارسوا التشطير وفق خطوط الانتماء المذهبي والعرقي، فادخلوا بلادنا واهلنا دوامة من الاختلاف لا تنتهي. ولذلك اصبح عقلاء القوم مطالبين بالاستفادة من فرصة ثورة الشعب للحاق بها ودعمها، وتشجيع الشباب على الانضواء تحت رايتها، بعيدا عن الحساسيات المفتعلة، او الاس 578;سلام لابواق النظام التي تسعى لاجهاض اي تحرك وطني صادق لاصلاح الوضع بعد عقود من الفساد. وهل هناك فساد اكبر مما يمارسه الخليفيون الذين احتلوا اراضي البلاد وثرواتها وسي 91;روا على اكثر من نصف المقاعد الوزارية واصبحوا يحركون السلطات كلها بايديهم. ويعتبر السجناء البحرانيون الذين تجاوز عددهم الـ 500 شهودا احياء على الجرائم الخليفية خصوصا ا 04;تعذيب والاعتقال التعسفي والتنكيل والكيد. والحمد لله فقد فشلت مسرحيتهم، واصبح السجناء هم الذين يقاضون جلاديهم، واصبح رموز الاحتلال متهمين بجرائم ضد الانسانية، وتو 585;طوا لفرط ظلمهم وتعذيبهم، وكشفت الجلسات التسع من المحاكمات الصورية هشاشة حكمهم، اذ كشفت كذبهم الواضح، فاصبح "المتهمون" بعيدين عن "المحكمة" بينما يقرر القاضي الخليف ;ي مصيرهم مع حفنة من المحامين الذين باعوا شرفهم وموقفهم وتظاهروا بالدفاع عن المتهمين الذين رفضوهم مرارا.
اليوم يقرر شباب البحرين ان يتصدى للظلم الخليفي، معتمدا على نفسه، بعيدا عن وصاية الآخرين، بعد ان رأى بعينيه ثمرة التضحية والفداء في تونس ومصر. اننا جميعا مطالبون ب& #1575;للحاق بثورة الجيل الجديد، نشاطرهم همومهم ونقف معهم متكاتفين ومتضامنين، نوضح للعالم ظلامة هذا الشعب، وتوحده في الاهداف والمواقف والوسائل، والتزامه اهدافا نبيلة ت& #1578;مثل في الحرية وحق تقرير المصير، واقامة النظام الذي يرتضيه، والتحرر من قيود الاحتلال الخليفي المقيت. وبعد سنوات من الوقوع في شباك النظام التي احدثت تشققات وتصدعات في &# 1603;يان المعارضة، حان الوقت لاصلاح ما افسده الخليفيون، وذلك برص الصفوف والتوحد على احداث تغيير شامل يريح البلاد والعباد من النظام الخليفي المهتريء، ويعيد لأهل البلاد ا ;لاصليين (شيعة وسنة) حق اختيار النظام الذي يريدونه من خلال استفتاء عام ودستور يكتبه الشعب، وانتخابات حرة ونزيهة لتشكيل حكومة منتخبة ومجلس تشريعي، وتقرير مبدأ المواطن&# 1577; المتساوية على اساس "لكل مواطن صوت"، والغاء الامتيازات الطبقية التي مارسها الخليفيون طوال العقود السابقة. فشعب البحرين ليس اقل شأنا من غيره.
اننا واعون للمحاولات التي بذلها رأس النظام في الاسابيع الاخيرة لاحتواء الغضب الشعبي، وسعيه لاخماد صوت التغيير بالمزيد من الوعود التي أكدت تجربة العقد الماضي ا 6;ه لا يلتزم بها ابدا. لقد كانت امامه فرصه مناسبة للقيام بذلك، ولكنه فوتها وامعن في الاستبداد والظلم والقمع واعتقال الابرياء وتعذيبهم، وتخلى عن التزاماته وفق ميثاقه ال مشؤوم، واقدم بالغاء الدستور الشرعي الذي كان مصدر الشرعية الوحيد لنظام حكمه. واصبح اليوم يحكم بدون شرعية، معتمدا على العنف وارهاب المواطنين وسجن شباب البحرين والتنك 10;ل بعائلاتها وتعذيب نشطائها ومصادرة حرياتها. ان الوضع في البحرين أسوأ كثيرا من اوضاع تونس ومصر قبل الثورة، ولذلك اصبح من الضرورة بمكان اللحاق بركب الثوار الهادفين لاس ;قاط هذا النظام البالي.
توكلوا على الله ايها الشباب الحر، فلقد سبقتمونا بعزمكم واصراركم، وبدأتم تفرضون واقعا جديدا من خلال ايمانكم وعدالة قضيتكم وتمسككم بحقوقكم ورفضكم انصاف الحلول. 1;ما دمتم قد تصديتم لهذه المبادرة، فلا نستطيع الا ان ننحني اجلالا وتقديرا لكم، فنحن معكم داعين الله سبحانه ان يسدد خطاكم ويهديكم طريق الرشاد، ويهلك اعداءكم الذين ولغوا في الدماء وامعنوا في التنكيل وملأوا الطوامير بالابرياء، وتراقصوا على اجساد الشهداء وضحايا التعذيب. انه عصركم، فأنتم علية القوم وسادة الموقف وصانعو المستقبل، وهاز 5;و الظالمين، والذائدين عن الحق وطالبو الحرية، والمتصدون للفساد والمفسدين. وفقكم الله لعمل الخير، وربط على قلوبكم، وسدد خطاكم على طريق العمل السلمي الذي لا يمارس العن& #1601; ولا يستهدف الا الاصلاح.
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