La police encercle 500 manifestants à Alger : Marc MVignaud

500

متظاهر جزائري أحاط بهم رجال الشرطة

Des policiers ont encerclé samedi un demi-millier de manifestants qui tentaient de prendre part à un défilé de protestation dans le centre d'Alger s'inspirant des mouvements de révolte qui secouent une partie du monde arabe.

Des manifestants, qui scandaient "Algérie, libre et démocratique!", ont été dispersés par les forces de l'ordre aux abords de la place du 1er-Mai, où la marche de protestation devait débuter à 11h00, a constaté un journaliste de l'agence Reuters.

Ils ont été dirigés ensuite dans la cour d'un ensemble d'immeubles résidentiels où un demi-millier de manifestants ont été encerclés par des centaines de membres de forces de l'ordre casqués et en tenue antiémeute.

Plusieurs centaines de badauds, ainsi que quelques partisans du gouvernement, ont également été pris dans ce mouvement.

Un important dispositif policier a été mis en place pour empêcher le défilé de samedi. Plusieurs heures avant le début prévu de la manifestation, des dizaines de fourgons de la police et des véhicules militaires étaient déjà déployés dans la capitale algérienne.

Des policiers ont pris position sur les axes menant à la place du 1er-Mai, non loin du port, tandis que des véhicules équipés de canons à eau sont postés en attente. Un hélicoptère de la police tourne dans le ciel.

Swiss Locate Funds Linked to Mubarak : MubarakBy DAVID

بضعة درزينات من ملايين الدولارات يكشف عنها في سويسرا تعود ملكيتها الى مبارك وافراد العائلة.
سويسرا تصرفت لوحدها عندما اصدرت اوامر بتجميد الحسابات، التي تعود الى آل مبارك

After Mr. Mubarak’s resignation on Feb. 11, Swiss officials ordered all banks in the country to search for and freeze his assets and those of his family, four former ministers and a wealthy party insider.

Egypt’s new military-led government has asked countries across the Western and Arab world to freeze the assets of the four former ministers, the party insider and their families, American officials said. But it has not asked countries to freeze the assets of Mr. Mubarak and his relatives.

Switzerland is acting on its own against the Mubarak family’s assets, under a new law that allows government officials to freeze accounts belonging to any former leader suspected of corruption. The law was enacted to change the country’s reputation as a haven for illegally acquired money.

Egyptian opposition members said they feared that the country’s military-led government would shield Mr. Mubarak, a former Air Force chief, and his relatives from investigation. A senior official of the National Association for Change, an opposition group led by Mohamed ElBaradei, the former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, called for an investigation into the Mubarak family and 200 other officials.

Tick tock....Tick tock.... : Meir Margalit

The daily humiliation suffered by residents is reaching a boiling point and it is only a matter of time until a conflagration erupts.

The revolution in Cairo’s streets should raise the alarm in Jerusalem too. Like many Egyptians and Tunisians, the Arabs of east Jerusalem have been humiliated and trampled upon for years. Here too, patience is running out. The winds in east Jerusalem are the same ones blowing through Egyptian streets, and may ultimately bring down a regime that anticipated never-ending rule.

IT’S NOT hard to see the undercurrents of rage in east Jerusalem. You just have to look into people’s eyes to realize that something major is going on. It’s better to stop for a moment and look at the processes that are so intolerable for east Jerusalem residents, before it’s too late. Because even if things erupt and tanks drive into east Jerusalem, Cairo has shown us that armor cannot withstand the people’s rage when things become too much.

The inventory list of things that infuriate east Jerusalem residents can be summed up in 10 points – let’s call them the 10 plagues of east Jerusalem – and they’re not listed here in order of severity.

1. The difficulty of obtaining building permits and thus building lawfully. Obstacles have piled up for years – proving ownership, lacking infrastructure, low construction percentages – and all of them have worsened with the migration of scores of families who have crossed the security barrier to the “right side” to avoid losing their blue ID cards.

2. The security barrier, what many call the “separation wall.” It divides families, relatives and loves ones, and makes any trip to the occupied territories a journey into the unknown. No one can predict how long it will take to get to the destination or return from it. It all depends on the mood of the IDF soldier at the checkpoint.

3. The Interior Ministry’s prevention of east Jerusalem residents from reuniting with their families or wives from the occupied territories. They must live an almost underground existence in Jerusalem, without the necessary papers, for fear of arrest.

4. The Interior Ministry (again), which pursues and confiscates ID cards from people it believes are living beyond the municipal jurisdiction. Many discover one day that their citizenship has been revoked, with no prior warning. They must then launch a legal battle that requires immense resources 5. The settlers who have abandoned all self-control. Their aggression increases with rumors that the peace process is progressing. They have no compunction about evicting whole families from their homes, and cast fear wherever they go.

6. The destruction of homes built without the proper licenses, arguably the harshest plague of all. It is a threat to thousands of families, not because the municipality can destroy all the homes in question, but because none of those who have received demolition orders know when the bulldozer will arrive. In this situation, families live on borrowed time, and their stress is evident.

7. The economic situation that is wreaking havoc, dragging 70 percent of the families living in east Jerusalem below the poverty line. When there’s no prospect for improvement, people feel they have little to lose.

8. The Border Police and its members’ degrading attitude toward east Jerusalemites. It has become an uncontrollable force, violent and hotheaded, that harms their deepest sensitivities.

9. The archeological excavations near the Temple Mount. The dig is considered an attempt to penetrate beneath the Haram al-Sharif and to topple the mosques. Even if this is not the intention, the very concern or a rumor is enough to set things off, as we have seen time and time again.


10. The atrocious level of municipal services, from garbage collection to the education system, which renders east Jerusalem’s inferior status permanent. And every time Arab citizens cross to the western part of the city and see the vast divide between their own standard of living and that of their Jewish neighbors, it is seared into their consciousness.

ALL THESE reasons, alone or together, will ignite a future conflagration. How long can this go on? The “carrot and stick” method on which control of east Jerusalem is based is disintegrating. The stick is hitting too hard, and the carrots are losing their effect. The end-of-theseason sales are over, no one’s selling their self-respect for a mess of pottage. The checks and balances system which has been going for 42 years is now wornout – and the abyss awaits. This is not meant to be a prophecy of doom, but a flashing warning light before disintegration.

استخدمت الولايات المتحدة حق النقض (الفيتو) لإجهاض مشروع قرار لإدانة الاستيطان

استخدمت الولايات المتحدة حق النقض (الفيتو) لإجهاض مشروع قرار لإدانة الاستيطان الإسرائيلي في الضفة الغربية والتأكيد على عدم مشروعيته، في تحرك انتقده الجانب الفلسطيني قائلاً إنه سيزيد من تعقيد الأمور في منطقة الشرق الأوسط.

وذكرت سفيرة الولايات المتحدة لدى الأمم المتحدة، سوزان رايس، إن معارضة الولايات المتحدة لمشروع القرار لا يعني على الإطلاق تأييدها للأنشطة الاستيطانية.

سقوط بنغازي بيد المتظاهرين

شهود عيان أفادوا سقوط عدد من مدن شرق ليبيا بيد المحتجين
أفاد شهود عيان ومصادر متعددة أن مدينة بنغازي، ثانية كبريات المدن الليبية ومدنا عديدة بشرق البلاد أصبحت خارج سلطة الحكومة الليبية، في وقت اتسعت فيه دائرة المظاهرات المطالبة بتنحي معمر القذافي الذي يحكم البلاد منذ 42 عاما، وأعلِن عن مقتل 84 شخصا في تلك الاحتجاجات.

ووفقا لمعلومات نقلت عن شهود فإنه تم إحراق جميع مراكز الشرطة في بنغازي، كما أحرقت مديرية الأمن في درنة.
وروى الناشط الحقوقي عمار السنوسي من بنغازي للجزيرة أن "السلطة الليبية ليس لها أي وجود في بنغازي". وأفاد أن 40 شخصا على الأقل قتلتهم أجهزة أمن وعناصر مرتزقة الليلة الماضية.
وبحسب السنوسي فإن جميع السجون أضحت خاوية، مشيرا إلى إشاعات عن إطلاق سراح المساجين من قبل السلطات وإعطائهم أموالا مع وعود مغرية إن وقفوا "ضد الثورة".
من ناحيته قال شاهد العيان عبد الباري ازوي في تصريح للجزيرة نت من أجدابيا بشرق البلاد إن المدينة سقطت منذ أمس في أيدي المتظاهرين بعد احتجاجات ضخمة شارك فيها أكثر من 10 آلاف شخص. وأفاد الشاهد أن شرطة المدينة بسياراتها وأسلحتها الخفيفة انضمت إلى ما سماه الثورة.

US vetoes anti-settlement resolution : Yitzhak Benhorin

America uses veto power to thwart anti-settlement resolution at UN, amid harsh Palestinian criticism of US; PA slams American 'bias,' Ramallah protestors hold racist anti-US rally, refer to Obama by skin color

The United States vetoed the Palestinian proposal to condemn settlement construction by Israel at the United Nations Security Council Friday.

The other 14 Council members voted in favor of the draft resolution. But the US, as one of the five permanent council members with the power to block any action by the Security Council, voted against it and struck it down.

Earlier, the Palestinians rejected America's request to withdraw or soften the resolution.

The vote followed a tense day that featured Palestinian rejection of US pressure to avoid the resolution coupled with wild PA attacks on the Obama Administration.

'Europe wants Palestine in UN'
US Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice told council members that the veto "should not be misunderstood to mean we support settlement activity." She added that the US view is that Israeli settlements lack legitimacy.

But she said the draft "risks hardening the position of both sides" and reiterated the US position that settlements and other contentious issues should be resolved in direct peace negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians.

Death to Arabs' spray-painted in village

Vandals spray-painted racist and anti-Muslim slogans on the walls of house in the Palestinian village of Beit Ilu near Ramallah on Friday.

The unknown vandals graffitied the messages "death to Arabs" and "Muhammad is a pig" at the site. The IDF was informed of the incident and sent forces to erase the graffiti.

A criminal investigation team has launched an investigation into the incident, which is an apparent "price tag" act by settlers to avenge the razing of an outpost in the area three days ago. During the demolition of Ramat Migron, security forces clashed with young settlers and detained six of them after they hurled stones at the troops and attempted to torch a nearby Palestinian vineyard.

News and analysis with comments and commentary : Paul Woodward

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qDHLsU-ik_Y&feature=player_embedded



قام آلاف من السوريين بمظاهرة عفوية ضد النظام على اثر تعرض المواطن عماد نسب للضرب بوحشية من قبل اربع عناصر من الشرطة المتظاهرون رددوا شعارات مثل : حرامية حرامية اشارة الى فساد النظام
ورددو شعارات : الشعب السوري ما بينذل
واثر عدم استطاعة عناصر الشرطة السيطرة على الحشد ... توجه وزير الداخلية السوري بنفسه لتهدئة المتظاهرين و نبههم الى خطورة التظاهر ضد النظام في الوقت الذي وعد فيه بمعاملة المواطن نسب معاملة حسنة واقتيد المواطن نسب بسيارة الوزير الى جهة مجهولة ... فيما تدخل شقيقه للطلب من المواطنين فض المظاهرة خوفا من تأثيرها على باقي أفراد أسرته

الجدير بالذكر أن الرئيس السوري قام بزيارة لنفس المنطقة قبل أمس للإحتفال بذكرى المولد النبوي ، في الوقت الذي ساقت المعاهد والمدارس القريبة طلابها ليكونو في استقبال رئيس الجمهورية

Death toll hits 19 in Libya’s “Day of Rage”
The death toll in clashes between protesters and security forces in the Libyan cities of Benghazi and al-Baida on Thursday rose to 19 as Muammar Gaddafi ’s regime sought to overshadow an opposition “Day of Anger” with its own rally in the capital Tripoli.
Meanwhile, violent clashes rocked the Libyan city of Zenten southwest of Tripoli on Thursday during which a police post and an office of the local revolutionary committee were torched, Quryna newspaper said on its website.
Separately, lawyers demonstrated in front of a courthouse in Benghazi — Libya’s second city after Tripoli — to demand a constitution for the country.
The Al-Youm and Al-Manarawebsites, monitored in Nicosia, earlier reported at least four people were killed in the city of Al-Baida, 200 kilometres (120 miles) east of Benghazi, on Wednesday.
Sites monitored in Cyprus and a Libyan human rights group based abroad reported earlier that the anti-Kadhafi protests in Al-Baida had cost as many as 13 lives. (Al Arabiya)
Libyans in US allege coercion
In an apparent effort to control the public narrative in the wake of rare protests that have spread throughout Libya, the country’s government is threatening to withdraw scholarship funding from citizens studying in the US unless they attend pro-government rallies in Washington this weekend, Al Jazeera has learned.
Several Libyans studying in the US said they and their peers have received phone calls this week from a man employed by the Libyan embassy instructing them to join rallies in the capital on Friday and Saturday. (Al Jazeera)
Libya cracks down on protesters after violent clashes in Benghazi
Hundreds of anti-government protesters clashed with police and government supporters in Libya’s second city yesterday as unrest spread across the Arab world.
Reports from the city of Benghazi said 38 people were injured in rioting after a human rights lawyer was arrested on Tuesday. Film footage captured screams and the sounds of gunfire as crowds scattered. Water cannon and teargas were used against an estimated 6,000 people. Some protesters armed with stones and petrol bombs had set fire to vehicles and fought with police in the city’s Shajara Square.
Opposition supporters accused the authorities of deliberately provoking trouble to spoil plans for a nationwide “day of rage” that had been called for. (The Guardian)
Syrians protest police beating in Damascus

Only pressure from below can bring Egypt democracy : Seumas Milne

The decapitation of the regime was just the start. The revolution will have to go further if it's going to deliver what people want

Anyone who imagined that the Egyptian revolution would be settled with the ousting of Hosni Mubarak has already been sorely disabused. The dictator may have been bundled out of the presidential palace and demonstrators temporarily cleared from Tahrir Square. But the social and political upheaval shows every sign of spreading.

It's not just that the protests are now fanning out across north Africa and the Middle East: to Yemen, Algeria, Jordan, Iran, Libya and now Bahrain – home of the US navy's fifth fleet. In Egypt itself, as in Tunisia, where the uprisings began, pressure for more far-reaching change is if anything growing, as setpiece street demonstrations have morphed into a wave of strikes.

Industrial action played a central role in the final push to drive Mubarak from power last week – just as it did in sparking resistance to the regime a couple of years ago in the textile production centre of Mahalla.

But now walkouts and occupations have mushroomed across Egypt, in defiance of the army high command's edict to return to work: on the buses and trains, in the steel and flour mills, among oil and gas workers, post office and bank employees.

Even the police who were dispatched to use lethal force against the people to save Mubarak's skin are now demanding decent pay and conditions – as their counterparts are in Tunisia. And although the impact of neoliberal reforms and economic crisis in Europe was a crucial trigger for the uprising, these aren't just bread and butter stoppages.

The strikers are also demanding the removal of bosses tied to the regime, along with officials in the unions, universities and professional bodies corrupted by the old order. That's because only the ageing autocrat has gone. The regime itself to all intents and purposes remains in place. The army has taken control but the government appointed by Mubarak is still there. So is the secret police – and the panoply of emergency legislation through which it held 80 million people in thrall for 30 years.

The army is widely respected in Egypt, partly because of its record in the 1973 war with Israel. But the military elite is part and parcel of the regime, intimately tied to the US military and deeply implicated in a web of corrupt economic privileges and privatised perks.
Naturally, divisions have emerged now the principal target of the uprising has gone: about how much slack to cut the army, what attitude to take to the strike movement, and whether and how to negotiate. Then there are fears that the kind of slow-motion, "orderly" transition favoured by the army leaders and Mubarak's western sponsors would allow both the old guard and their friends to divert, control and buy off sections of the opposition – especially given the lack of strong leadership.

A political or social revolution is not a single act, but a process. The Egyptian upheaval has its own context and will take its own path. But the great popular revolutions all followed a similar initial pattern. Neither the French revolution of 1789 nor the Russian revolution of February 1917 nor the Iranian revolution of 1979 were headed from the start by ready-made leaders.

That doesn't mean Egypt is going to end up with socialism or an Islamic state. But it does point to the strong likelihood that neither the Egyptian army nor anyone else is going to be able to halt this process where it is, nor prevent a far deeper democratic transformation and settling of accounts with the old regime.


The American government is already trying to ride the tiger of democratisation – in a country where 82% of the population has an unfavourable view of the US – and can be expected to use every trick in its playbook to limit the scope of change and prevent Egypt and others dropping out of its orbit.

Far from being a threat to reform, as Egypt's military leaders claim, only relentless pressure in the streets and workplaces can offset such meddling and deliver the change Egyptians want. Wherever this process ends, we can be sure it is only just beginning.

Video shows attacked by Army using bullets at the demonstrators , Bahrain 18, Feb 2011 byshr2010 2 videos Subscribe Subscribed http://www.youtube.com

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=13IWIto9ZMc

الرصاص الذي اطلقه رجال الامن في البحرين كان حيا، واخترق اجساد المطالبين بالملكية الدستورية

من كان من العراقيين يعرف اية الله الملا نوري المالكي ؟؟ : صافي الياسري

نعم كنا نعرف حزب الدعوة الذي يدعي الان زعامته بعد ان تمزق اي تمزيق بسبب شهوات السلطة والحكم ، ونعترف له بالتضحيات الجسيمة التي قدمها عندما كان في خانة المعارضة وقبل ان يصبح شق منه الحزب الحاكم ويتسلط عليه نفر لا يقر لهم اعضاء الحزب نفسه سلوكياتهم الان التي اقل ما يقال عنها انها انعزلت عن الشعب الذي كانت تفاخر بانها تتحرك وسطه وباتت تشكل طبقة ارستقراطية حاكمة متخمة بالامتيازات وفي قبضتها القوة التي لا تتوانى عن استخدامه لقمع هذا الشعب .

بالتاكيد لا احد يعرف اية الله الملا نوري المالكي .. لكنه الان على سدة الحكم ( يعير ) العراقيين مذكرا اياهم انهم ما كانوا يستطيعون الكلام امام بعضهم وانهم كانوا يرددون امام بعضهم ان الحائط له اذان !! وهو يمن علينا وبشكل فج وادعائي بائس وملفق ومتحذلق وكاننا جئنا من المريخ ولا نعرف ما حدث في العراق بانه انما يغض الطرف عما نتكلم فيه عنه ونمارس حريتنا والسنتنا مطلقة في النيل من هذا او ذاك من عملاء المحتل ومجرميه ، فكيف منحتنا الحرية يا ملا ؟؟ ومن الذي رفعك الى سدة الحكم ؟؟
ان حرية العراقيين وانطلاق السنتهم في قول ما يشاءون والتعرض لمن يشاءون حقا وباطلا حق لم يعد قابلا للجدل والمساومة والمن به من احد .. ان كان حقا فبها وان كان باطلا فيمكن التحقق منه وكشفه ورده بالاثبات .. انما ليس من حق احد تكميم افواه العراقيين فقد ولى ذلك الزمن بعد ان دفع العراقيون دما طاهرا غاليا ثمنا له وليس للملا المالكي اليوم ان يذكره الا بتمجيد عظم تضحيات العراق من اجله لا ان يسوغ لنفسه حق المنة عليهم بما كسبوه بدمائهم ؟؟ وتلك لعمري فرية ما بعدها فرية ولكن من اين لناقصي المعرفة المتطاولين فراغا ان يفهموا وهم ليسوا اكثر من بالونات نفخها المحتل وان ليس لهم وقد كشفوا في حساب الشعب من رقم وانه يكنس ساحة العراق اليوم منهم ومن اسيادهم بكل وسائل الشعوب المعروفة الساعية الى خلاصها الوطني .. اما قوله انه لا دكتاتورية في العراق وانه على هذا لايخشى تظاهرات العراقيين ( المجازة ) فاني اقول له وبكل قوة .. ايها الضعيف انت لست دكتاتورا ولن تستطيع لا انت ولا غيرك بعد الان ان يكون .. وان المطالبة الشعبية العارمة الناهضة الان بتغيير النظام تعني كنس كل المتسلطين على رقابنا ممن فوضهم المحتل الاميركي والايراني لتسويق سياساته ومن الخير لك الا تكون بضمنهم لان حسابك سيكون عسيرا على ما توجهه من شتائم وتحديات للعراقيين الان وستجرفك العزة بالاثم وحب التسلط والسلطان الى المزيد من التحدي الذي لا صدى له الا المزيد من الثورة ، وان اول ما يمكنك التثبت من انه رفض شعبي لك ولنظامك السياسي ، هو اننا سنتظاهر كل يوم ولن يتقدم احد منا بطلب اجازتك بل سنطالب بمحاكمة الذين فوضتهم حق الاجازة ، وهذا يعني الا اعتبار شرعي ولا قانوني لسلطتك بعد الان لان القانون والدستور الذي كتبه المحتل وعملاؤه بات في خبر كان وان من يحكم الان هو الشرعية الشعبية .. وهي مصدر السلطات وسلطاتك باتت لا اعتبار لها لانها لا تستند الى المصدر .. وبيننا وبينك اليوم وكل يوم ويوم الغضب الهادر يوم 25 شباط الذي لم يتبق عليه الكثير وسترى ونرى من يهزم من ....

The Great Arab Revolt : Juan Cole

The Arab world’s presidents for life and absolute monarchs are quaking in the aftermath of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. Arab politics had been stuck in a vast logjam for the past thirty years, from which its crowds are now attempting to blast it loose. The protesters put their fingers on the phenomenon of the vampire state and concluded that before anything important could change, they had to put a stake through its heart.
Under European colonialism the Middle East had a few decades of classic liberal rule in the first half of the twentieth century. Egypt, Iraq and Iran had elected parliaments, prime ministers and popular parties. However, liberal rule was eventually discredited insofar as it proved to be largely a game played by big landlords overly open to the influence and bribery of grasping Western powers.
From about the 1950s, the modern one-party states of the Middle East justified themselves through the struggle for independence from those Western colonial empires and the corrupt parliamentary regimes. They undertook land reform, developed big public sectors and promoted state-led industrialization. In recent decades, however, each ruling party, backed by a nationalist officer corps, increasingly became little more than an appendage of the president for life and his extended clan. The massive networks of informers and secret police worked for the interests of the central executive.
These governments took steps in recent decades toward neoliberal policies of privatization and a smaller public sector under pressure from Washington and allied institutions—and the process was often corrupt. The ruling families used their prior knowledge of important economic policy initiatives to engage in a kind of insider trading, advantaging their relatives and buddies.
The policies of these one-party states created widespread anxiety among workers, the unemployed and even entrepreneurs outside the charmed circle, seeming to create an insuperable obstacle to the advancement of the ordinary person. Everyone could be taken advantage of or even expropriated at will by corrupt state elites, who had the backing of the secret police. Workers’ strikes were crushed by security police. The presidents even began putting on regal airs and grooming their sons as successors, ensuring that the family cartels and cronyism would continue into the next generation.
The one-party states also pursued distorted development goals. Among their few achievements was the reduction of infant mortality. They put tremendous sums into universities and higher education but inexplicably neglected K–12 education for the rural and urban poor. The result was large numbers of young villagers, slum dwellers and workers with limited opportunities for advancement, and phalanxes of unemployed college graduates.
Fear of the perpetuation of a closed economic and power elite drove Tunisians and Egyptians to focus on driving the Ben Alis and Mubaraks from power. The narrowness of the dominant cliques had disgusted even the regular army officer corps, who in any case were close to the people because they commanded conscript armies. When the crowds came out so determinedly, they declared their neutrality.
Other regional mafia states have scrambled to mollify their publics. Ali Abdullah Saleh, the strongman who has ruled Yemen since 1978, announced that he would not run for yet another term in 2013, and that no attempt would be made to install his son after him. He was trying to deflect the severe criticisms of his nepotism (his half-brother is head of the air force, and nephews are highly placed in the security apparatus). These pledges were code for ending the dominance of the state and economy by relatives and friends of Saleh.
The nepotism and corruption of the ruling clique in Yemen is all the more explosive because the country is already deeply divided. The tribal north has a different history from the south, which had a lively worker movement and even, briefly, a communist government before Saleh forcibly unified the two in 1990. Religious and tribal rebellions, as with the Zaydi Shiite Houthis in the north and a radical Islamist tendency in the rural south, make Yemen anything but stable. The country’s declining petroleum revenues and its increasing water crisis make the economic pie even smaller, increasing public disgust with the Saleh cartel. Having the government and the economy in the hands of an unrepresentative and greedy clique is a recipe for further unrest.
Likewise, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki said he would not seek another term; his opponents have charged him with operating secret torture cells and a private army, and aspiring to become another corrupt strongman. Since Iraq’s petroleum riches are in government hands, it would be easy for a few key cabinet members to use them for sectional and even private purposes, a source of constant anxiety among Iraq’s suffering populace, which lacks electricity and even, often, potable water.
Algeria’s corrupt state petroleum elite, represented by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, is also being targeted by street crowds. The country’s ruling generals had allowed a Muslim fundamentalist party, the Islamic Salvation Front, to run in the 1991 parliamentary elections, on the theory that it would not win. When the fundamentalists took a two-thirds majority, the generals canceled the runoff and threw the country into a vicious civil war between secular urban elites and lower-middle-class or rural fundamentalists that took an estimated 150,000 lives. Because the generals won the civil war, and the army stands behind the regime, it is harder for the urban crowds to gain traction. In Tunisia and Egypt, there was no similar history of rancor between people and army, and no fear on the part of the officer corps that they would be tried and executed if the government was overthrown. In addition, the Algerian petroleum state, like the Gulf oil monarchies, has the resources to bribe much of the public into quiescence or to deploy well-paid and loyal security forces when the bribe does not work (as seems to be the case in Bahrain, where the Sunni monarchy has chosen violent repression of the restive Shiite majority).
In Egypt and Tunisia, once the ruling families were gone, the interim governments promptly froze the accounts of regime cronies and in many instances initiated legal proceedings against them. Seeing the writing on the wall, the ambitious resigned en masse from the now notorious former ruling party; the RCD in Tunisia was dissolved altogether.
Many among the demonstrators, whether union organizers, villagers or college graduates, seem to believe that once the lead log in the logjam is removed, the economy will return to normal and opportunities for advancement will open up to all. Somewhat touchingly, they have put their hopes in free and fair parliamentary elections, so that the Middle East may be swinging back to a new liberal period, formally resembling that of the 1930s and ’40s. If these aspirations for open politics and economic opportunity are blocked again, as they were by the hacienda owners and Western proconsuls of the mid-twentieth century, the Arab masses may turn to more desperate, and dangerous, alternatives.

silence, on réprime : TF1

Coupure de l'image et du son : internet bloqué, signal brouillé pour les télévisions satellitaires comme Al Jazira, la Libye continue à nier la révolte qui a gagné l'est du pays, où les protestataires font face aux forces spéciales loyales à Kadhafi. Les troubles ont fait des dizaines de morts.
Ecrire un commentaireArticle suivant dans Monde : Tunisie : les islamistes s'en prennent aux prostituéesLes informations sont parcellaires et sortent difficilement de Libye ; et les seules images sont celles postées sur internet par des opposants ayant filmé la répression. Ce que l'on sait est que le bilan des émeutes est de plusieurs dizaines de morts, les affrontements touchant surtout l'Est du pays, et notamment Benghazi. Mais pour couper un peu plus les manifestants du reste du monde, la Libye a bloqué tout accès à l'internet ; cette fermeture des vannes du web - et donc de l'accès aux images de la répression - a été annoncée tôt samedi par une société spécialisée dans la surveillance du trafic internet et basée aux Etats-Unis, Arbor Networks. La chaîne de télévision qatarie Al-Jariza a aussi annoncé vendredi que son signal était brouillé.

Tensions dans le monde arabe : ça ne retombe pas
Libye : le "Jour de colère" contre Kadhafi dégénère en province
Contestation dans le monde arabe : qui bouge ? qui reste calme ?
Libye : "Jour de colère" contre Kadhafi
Vidéo

1min 25s Libye : la journée de la colère - 1min 25s Tensions dans le monde arabe : ça ne retombe pasIntervention de l'armée en Libye, nouvelles violences au Yémen, obsèques sous tension à Bahreïn, manifestation en Jordanie : la journée de vendredi a une nouvelle fois été marquée par des incidents dans plusieurs pays arabes. Le point avec TF1 News.
Publié le 18/02/2011 Libye : le "Jour de colère" contre Kadhafi dégénère en provinceLes nouvelles manifestations de jeudi, décrété "Jour de colère" contre le président libyen, auraient fait, selon l'opposition, au moins six morts à Benghazi, la deuxième ville du pays. Des incidents ont aussi été signalés à Zenten. Le calme a en revanche régné à Tripoli, la capitale.
Publié le 17/02/2011 Contestation dans le monde arabe : qui bouge ? qui reste calme ?Décodage - La Tunisie en janvier, l'Egypte en février. A qui le tour ? La question se pose maintenant pour les autres pays arabes au régime autoritaire, qu'ils s'agissent de monarchies ou de "républiques".
Publié le 14/02/2011 Libye : "Jour de colère" contre KadhafiMalgré la violente répression d'une manifestation mercredi à Benghazi, la deuxième ville du pays, des appels à descendre dans la rue contre le régime de Mouammar Kadhafi, en poste depuis 1969, ont été lancés pour ce jeudi sur des réseaux sociaux.
Publié le 17/02/2011 Libye : des émeutes dans la ville de BenghaziDes émeutes ont éclaté dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi où plusieurs centaines de personnes ont affronté des policiers renforcés par des partisans pro-gouvernementaux, selon des témoins et des médias locaux.
Publié le 16/02/2011 Libye : la journée de la colèreLe régime du colonel Khadafi sera-t-il emporté à son tour par le vent de la révolte ? Depuis quelques jours, la Libye se met en mouvement. Une journée de la colère a embrasé le pays jeudi. Récit.
Publié le 17/02/2011 Libye : les réseaux sociaux à nouveau mobilisésLa contestation s'organise aussi sur internet en Libye. Des vidéos de manifestations y sont postées, des appels sont envoyés par Twitter et même des clips appelant à se mobiliser y sont réalisés.
Publié le 17/02/2011 La contagion se confirme dans le monde arabeLa contestation touche désormais le royaume de Bahrein, où le chef de l'opposition réclame une monarchie constitutionnelle. Au Yémen, les affrontements entre police et manifestants ont fait deux morts. En Libye, un sitting contre le pouvoir a été délogé par la force faisant une quarantaine de blessés.
Publié le 16/02/2011
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Tensions dans le monde arabe : ça ne retombe pasPublié le 18 février 2011
Intervention de l'armée en Libye, nouvelles violences au Yémen, obsèques sous tension à Bahreïn, manifestation en Jordanie : la journée de vendredi a une nouvelle fois été marquée par des incidents dans plusieurs pays arabes. Le point avec TF1 News.
Vue : 8 833 fois
Libye : le "Jour de colère" contre Kadhafi dégénère en provincePublié le 17 février 2011
Les nouvelles manifestations de jeudi, décrété "Jour de colère" contre le président libyen, auraient fait, selon l'opposition, au moins six morts à Benghazi, la deuxième ville du pays. Des incidents ont aussi été signalés à Zenten. Le calme a en revanche régné à Tripoli, la capitale.
Vue : 16 918 fois
Libye : "Jour de colère" contre KadhafiPublié le 17 février 2011
Malgré la violente répression d'une manifestation mercredi à Benghazi, la deuxième ville du pays, des appels à descendre dans la rue contre le régime de Mouammar Kadhafi, en poste depuis 1969, ont été lancés pour ce jeudi sur des réseaux sociaux.

الانقلابية الثورية الشعبية العراقية تبلور كينونتها : صافي الياسري

الانقلابية في مفهومنا هي الملاحقة والاستباق المضطرد للحظة التغيير النوعي ، بمعنى ادراك تلك اللحظة وتمثيل معطياتها وتهيئة متراكم اللحظة الانقلابية الجديدة المقبلة بجدل تحديثي ديناميكي لا يترك فواصل زمنية عبثية بين القفزة والاخرى بحيث تغدو فراغات سائبة يمكن ان يتسلل الخدر من ثغراتها ليرتد بالمسار انتكاسا على عكس قانون السنة الذي يؤكد ، على امتداد البعد الزمني ، الا ثبات ولا انجاز نهائي، وان النهايات تبقى مفتوحة على بدايات اخرى في سيرورة انقلابات وتغييرات نوعية ازلية التتالي .

هذه الفكرة القانون هي التي جعلتنا ننظر الى بدايات التظاهرات العراقية البسيطة على انها اسس يمكن ان تصعد فوقها هياكل هندسية يختلف شكلها ومحتواها ووظيفتها عن تلك المثابة التي انطلقت من عليها ، تماما كما هو الحال مع الثورة الشعبية التونسية والثورة الشعبية المصرية ، بمعنى ان تكون اكثر تعقيدا وان تكون سقوف مطالبها اعلى ،وهنا يمكن التاكد كم هو سخيف وبعيد عن الواقعية القول ان هذه التظاهرات وسيلة لتشريع الاحتلال عبر التقاط بعض مشاهدها التي لا تعني اكثر من كونها ادراجات تثير الابتسام لطرق تفكير الشباب غير التقليدية في خلق ثورتهم او تاطيرها باطر رومانسية مبتكرة وغير مالوفة لا تتمكن من استيعابها تلك العقول النمطية المقولبة فالثورة قد تكون مثابتها اغنية غرامية ترد فيها عبارة ينصرف الذهن نحوها ويتشكل الوعي الجماعي حولها لايقاد ثورة اجتماعية او سياسية لا تبقي ولا تذر .. او اندفاع هامش ما في لحظة ما في ظرف ما غير محسوب ليستحيل متنا ثوريا مدمرا ، واين يضع هؤلاء السذج تظاهرات السليمانية التي وقفت في وجه عملاء الاحتلال من عصابات الاحزاب الحاكمة المتواطئة علنا مع المحتل والاحتلال والعاملة في صفوفه ؟؟ ان الكلاسيكية النمطية في رؤية وتصور ثورات الشعوب او انطلاقاتها لم تعد موجودة الا في خيالات تلك العقول المتحفية التي يجب دفن جثتها بما يليق بها من احترام للفولكلور الفكري الثوري ، ويمكن التاكد كم هي فارغة تلك النظرة الى الحراك الشعبي على انه يصطف الى جانب الاحتلال لان الجنرال الفلاني صرح كذا او قال كذا في ما قد يفهم منه انه اصطفاف الى جانب التظاهرات ، ومن ثم توفير سبب ادانتها ؟؟ ليس هذا بمشكلتنا او بما يوجب علينا التعامل بسذاجة فكرية مفادها انه مادام عدوي لا يعادي التظاهرات ولا يقمعها فهي من فعله او تصب في تياره ، علينا النظر اليها كفعل قائم بذاته والى مؤثراتها ودوافعها الجدية الحقيقية وليس الى المؤثرات الشكلية الشبحية والتقاط بارزها ومن ثم قسرها على ان تكون اساءة الى ذلك الفعل ، بينما الاصح استكناه النتائج من المقدمات وما توميء اليه او السعي الى وضع اسس خلقها مساهمة في تثوير الخطوط الباردة وتسخينها بدلا من التشكيك واشاعة الفهم الساذج القاصر ، بينما تضع التظاهرات في جوهرها الاحتلال والمحتل وعملاءه في سلة سرابية في مهب الريح ضمن انطلاقتها المتدرجة على وفق مبدأ التحدي والاستجابة وعلى وفق طروحات جدلية سيرورتها الخاصة ، المؤسسة على مبدأ التغيير وليس الاصلاح ،فان نجحت فبها وان اجهضت فالى سواها في مقبل الايام مع الاستفادة من اغلاط الصفحة ، وسنترك النائمين لخدرهم وسذاجة احلام يقظتهم وتهيئاتهم سادرين في لجج الوهم وهم يبررون هروبهم وكسلهم وتعفنهم بنثر الاتهامات البائسة التي تثير السخرية ،

امش يا حمار : القدس العربي

(امش يا حمار) عبارة وجهها شرطي سير إلى مواطن سوري في منطقة (الحريقة) إحدى أهم الأسواق التجارية في وسط دمشق القديمة، كادت تتحول إلى شرارة انتفاضة غاضبة، واستدعت حضور وزير الداخلية السوري اللواء سعيد سمور، لتهدئة المحتجين على الإهانة التي لحقت بالمواطن السوري، والتي تطورت إلى حالة اعتداء بالضرب قبل أن تتفاقم الأمور وتتسارع إلى اللحظة التي استدعت تدخل وزير الداخلية وحضوره إلى المكان.
القصة بدأت ظهر الخميس السابع عشر من شباط (فبراير) الجاري، حين كان أحد المواطنين يدخل بسيارته في مدخل سوق الحريقة الموازي لسوق الحميدية الشهير، فبادره شرطي السير بعد تمهله في منطقة مكتظة بالمارة والسيارات: (امش يا حمار) فرد عليه المواطن (بتطلع ستين حمار) فما كان من الشرطي إلا أن ضربه بعصا المرور التي يحملها، ما دفع المواطن إلى الترجل من السيارة، لرد الإهانة للشرطي في فورة الغضب، إلا أن اثنين من عناصر الشرطة المتواجدين في المكان تدخلا للدفاع عن زميلهما، وسرعان ما شاركا في ضرب مواطن حين رأوه مصراً على رد الإهانة للشرطي الذي بادر بضربه، حسبما أفاد شهود عيان في روايات مؤكدة لـ 'القدس العربي'.. وعندما رأى أحد المواطنين الدم يسيل على وجه المعتدى عليه، بدأ بالصراخ والاستغاثة ما استدعى تجمع المارة... وتمكنت الشرطة من سحب المواطن المعتدى عليه إلى مدخل بناء قرب فرع المصرف التجاري السوري في الحريقة، إلا أن الشارع كان قد امتلأ من المارة والمتسوقين وتجار الحريقة، الذين أغلقوا جميعاً محلاتهم وانضموا للمتظاهرين وراحوا يهتفون: (طالعوه... طالعوه)... وسرعان ما تدخلت سيارات الشرطة، وحضر رئيس قسم شرطة الحميدية، إلا أن الجموع التي تجاوز عددها الأربعة آلاف - حسب تقدير من أمدنا بمقاطع فيديو مصورة - ملأت كل مداخل منطقة الحريقة حتى جامع الدرويشية، وحاصرت مكان احتجاز المواطن المعتدى عليه، ومنعتهم من الحركة.

Worth Reading carefully

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/17/world/middleeast/17diplomacy.html?_r=1

Possible first positive spinoff for Palestine from Egypt ? :Terra Viva

"Unlike Egypt, the PA is not under social or economic pressure to reform as Fayyad has enabled an economically secure Palestinian middle-class to emerge. The PA is, however, under significant political pressure to reform," Awad explained to IPS.

"Hamas for its part is under economic pressure due to the extreme levels of poverty in the Gaza Strip. The Gaza government is also worried that growing dissatisfaction with the situation in the coastal territory could lead to unrest there and this is a major incentive for Hamas to work towards reconciliation," added Awad.

While the tumultuous events in Tunis and Cairo have forced both Fatah and Hamas to re-evaluate their respective positions, both major Palestinian political factions view the chances of reconciliation in the current circumstances as having improved significantly.

The Egyptian revolution, and the threat to autocratic Arab regimes all over the region, have forced rapid changes on the Palestinian political scene - with major players Hamas and Fatah scrambling to catch up.

"We’ve reached the point of no return. A Palestinian state is in the making," Samir Awad, from Birzeit University near Ramallah, told IPS. "The deadline for the birth of an independent Palestinian state is only months away. Palestinians will soon be part of the U.N. and equal members of the international community."

During the last few weeks the Palestinian Authority (PA) has been shaken to its core as it has witnessed several Arab countries - ruled by autocratic regimes bankrolled and sustained by the West - capitulate to the demands of the Arab street. Regional capitals are facing unprecedented revolts with their respective leaderships tottering in the balance.

For several years the PA has refused to hold either legislative or parliamentary elections despite repeated promises. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s term in office expired in January 2009, and his government’s in January 2010.

While the Ramallah-based government has desperately tried to suppress street protests supporting the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings in the West Bank, it has announced major democratic steps in an endeavour to boost its credibility with the people.

On Monday the PA announced the dissolution of its cabinet. This followed its dramatic decision last week to hold elections in September. This is the month the PA has set as a deadline for the establishment of a Palestinian state.

PA Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad said that the PA would take its case for statehood to the U.N. Security Council in September, and has spent the last two years building and strengthening state institutions in preparation.

"The PA is worried about events in Egypt and Tunisia and is trying to pre- empt a similar situation in the West Bank," explained Awad.

The cabinet reshuffle is an effort to bolster Abbas among Palestinians dissatisfied with the workings of a cabinet regarded by many as dysfunctional.

The loss of a major ally against Hamas in ousted former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak has also been a wake-up call for the PA.

"We in Gaza suffered a lot under the Mubarak regime. A new strong, democratic and independent Egypt will strengthen Arab unity," Ahmed Youssef, a political advisor to Gaza’s Hamas leader Ismail Hanniyeh, told IPS.

"There is no doubt Hamas is drawing succour from Israel’s co-conspirator of the Gaza blockade falling from power, and Hamas’s ideological bedfellows the Muslim Brotherhood emerging strengthened from the Egyptian revolution," Moshe Maoz, professor at Jerusalem’s Hebrew University, told IPS.

However, developments in Cairo are also putting pressure on the Hamas leadership in Gaza, which has refused to take part in the PA’s September elections, calling them illegal moves by an expired and unrepresentative government. Its popularity has also slumped since it swept legislative elections in 2006.

"Unlike Egypt, the PA is not under social or economic pressure to reform as Fayyad has enabled an economically secure Palestinian middle-class to emerge. The PA is, however, under significant political pressure to reform," Awad explained to IPS.

"Hamas for its part is under economic pressure due to the extreme levels of poverty in the Gaza Strip. The Gaza government is also worried that growing dissatisfaction with the situation in the coastal territory could lead to unrest there and this is a major incentive for Hamas to work towards reconciliation," added Awad.

While the tumultuous events in Tunis and Cairo have forced both Fatah and Hamas to re-evaluate their respective positions, both major Palestinian political factions view the chances of reconciliation in the current circumstances as having improved significantly.

"There is a new language coming from the West Bank leadership," said Youssef. "Mubarak was responsible to a significant degree for Abbas being so inflexible."

Ghassan Khatib, a spokesman for Abbas, told IPS that any new Egyptian leadership would be supportive of Palestinian unity - as the Egyptian street has always rallied to this calling.

Maoz also believes that chances of reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah may have been strengthened by regional developments.

Meanwhile, both political factions are united in the belief that increased pressure on Israel - as Washington is forced to take into consideration the Arab streets’ opinion - will be beneficial to both of their parties.

They also agree that the collapse of pro-American Arab regimes will place a positive spin on the Palestinian cause.

"The U.S. can no longer just take Arab support for granted," Youssef told IPS. "We believe the Arab masses will support the Palestinians to a far greater extent than the unrepresentative ousted regimes," Khatib told IPS.

But left-wing Palestinian parties and independents remain sceptical of both sides of the Palestinian divide.

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) member Jamil Mezher accused Fatah and Hamas of "barricading themselves behind factional interests, giving Palestinians no choice but to go for revolution."

The people, Mezher said, "are calling for an end to division, to partisan politics," and the leaders continue to be deaf to the calls. "Thousands have offered their lives, tens of thousands, have been jailed and injured on our path to freedom and independence. We will not accept the continued failure of our leaders."

السفارة الأمريكية بصنعاء تدعو الحكومة اليمنية

السفارة الأمريكية بصنعاء تدعو الحكومة اليمنية

إلى تحمل مسؤوليتها في حماية المواطنين

وإيقاف الاعتداءات على المظاهرات السلمية

قالت إن وجود مسؤولين أثناء وقوع الاعتداءات يتعارض مع تعهدات صالح


المصدر أونلاين: دعت السفارة الأمريكية الحكومة اليمنية إلى الالتزام بمسؤوليتها في حماية حياة وممتلكات كافة اليمنيين وصون حقوقهم الأساسية الإنسانية والمدنية.


وحثت السفارة في بيان لها اليوم الجمعة تلقى المصدر أونلاين نسخة منه، الحكومة اليمنية على منع حدوث أي اعتداءات أخرى ضد المظاهرات السلمية وضمان حصول جميع اليمنيين المؤيدين والمناهضين للحكومة على حدٍ سواء على حقوق متساوية في حرية التعبير والتجمع.


وقالت السفارة إنها لاحظت في الايام الأخيرة ارتفاع مقلق في عدد الاعتداءات وحدتها ضد المواطنين اليمنيين الذين يتجمعون سلمياً للتعبير عن ارائهم حول الوضع السياسي الراهن.


وأضافت "كما لاحظنا أيضاً تقارير تفيد بتواجد مسؤولين حكوميين أثناء وقوع هذه الاعتداءات، وهذه تتعارض مع التعهدات التي التزم بها الرئيس علي عبدالله صالح لحماية حقوق المواطنين اليمنيين في التجمع السلمي للتعبير عن آرائهم.



In recent days, the U.S. Embassy has observed a disturbing rise in the number and violence of attacks against Yemeni citizens gathering peacefully to express their views on the current political situation. We have also seen reports that Government of Yemen officials were present during these attacks. The attacks are contrary to the commitments that President Saleh has made to protect the right of Yemeni citizens to gather peacefully to express their views.

The Embassy calls on the Government of Yemen to fulfill its responsibility to protect the life and property of all Yemenis and to safeguard their basic human and civil rights.

The Embassy urges the government to prevent any further attacks on peaceful demonstrations and to ensure that all Yemenis, both pro- and anti-government, have equal rights to speech and assembly.