Saturday, March 5, 2011

فريعة يوبخ ثوار الحرية والكرامة !! والغنوشي ينضم الى ثوار القصبة !! : خليل العميري


الغنوشي يستقيل ويلتحق بمعتصمي القصبة: صرح السيد محمد الغنوشي مباشرة إثر الندوة الصحفية التي اعلن فيهاالحكومة المؤقتة أنه كمواطن يساند مطالب المعتصمين في ساحة القصبة! هكذا وبدون أي تفسير أو اعتذار عن صمته قبل ذلك. ولا يسعنا هنا إلا أن نتساءل: أي مفهوم للتصرف المسؤول لدى السيد الوزير يمكن أن يبرر هذا التصرف الغريب؟ أي رجل دولة يرئس حكومة تقمع حركة شعبية أو على الأقل تتجاهلها حتى تسقط الضحايا ثم يعترف بشرعية مطالبها عند الإستقالة دون أدنى تفسير أو اعتذار؟
يوبخ ثوار الحرية والكرامة : أريد ان أستحضر كمثال ثان الندوة الصحفية الأولى للسيد احمد فريعة كوزير داخلية‎ فريعة، أتت هذه الندوة إثر أعمال إرهابية من قبل ميليشات و قناصة موالية للرئيس المخلوع أرعبت المواطنين باستهدافها للمدنيين العزل وللمتلكات بطريقة بدت شبه عشوائية. وكان المواطنون يبحثون عن خطاب يهدأ من روعهم و يبعث عن الطمأنينة ولكن شيئا من ذلك لم يحدث بل مر سيادته إلى توبيخ ضمني للشباب على ثورته بتعداد حجم الخسائر المادية غير مكترث بأن الثورة قامت ضد نظام أهدر و صادر لنفسه مئات الأضعاف من ثروات الشعب. ورآى سيادته أن الموقف يستدعي الرد على هذا الشعب المنتفض والرافض لحزبه بالتذكير بنضالات العديد من رجالات التجمع، والعديد منهم نزهاء على حد تعبير الوزير. وهذا الخطاب الذي رفض أن يسمي فيه الشهداء باسمهم مخيرا لفظة أموات هو قمة الإستهزاء بالشعب وهو لاشعوريا تسجيد للنظرة الفوقية التي ميزت الخطاب السياسي التقليدي للنخبة التي استأثرت بالسلطة منذ الإستقلال، هذه النخبة التي ترى أنها وحدها قادرة على قيادة البلاد و تحديد الأولويات والتصورات لمستقبلها بدون تشريك لبقية القوى الحية للبلاد وبدون انتظار محاسبة منها فهي لاترتقي حسب رأيهم الى درجة الوعي الكافي لتضطلع بمثل هذا الدور على أية حال.
عبد الفتاح عمر يبرئ المسؤولين عن عقدين من الفساد في أسبوعين: من المضحكات المبكيات هي الندوة عمر بعد بضع أسابيع فقط من شروع لجنة تقصي الحقائق التي يرأسها. فقد برئ جميع الوزراء هكذا وبكل ثقة واستباقا لأي تحقيق جدي ونزيه، فما اطلع عليه سيادته في أسبوعين ورغم كثرة الملفات كاف وشاف ليبرئ ساحة جميع الوزراء. وهذا الموقف يغني حسب رأيي عن كل تعليق فالأستاذ لا يرى ان الوزراء مسؤولين وهم كانوا على حد تعبييره ينفذون الأوامر فقط! وبهذا يتناسى الأستاذ أن هذا قبل كل شيء هو استهزاء بالشعب وعدم اكتراث بجسامة مسؤوليته الشخصية كرئيس للجنة تقصي الحقائق. فأي مفهوم للمسؤولية عند الأستاذ عمر يمكن ان يبرئ كل الوزراء هكذا وبكل بساطة؟! فحتى الجنود لا يمكنهم في القانون الدولي تبرير ساحاتهم من الجرائم الجسيمة بالقائها على شماعة تنفيذ الأوامر، فكيف بنظام مدني يعلم الجميع أن الإستقالة منه ليست مستحيلة بالمرة خصوصا في وجود تنافس بين العديد من التجمعيين انذاك لخدمة نظام الرئيس المخلوع.

الشابي يلقى باللوم على الجميع الا على نفسه: شدت انتباهي الندوة الصحفية التي خص بها السيد أحمد نجيب الشابي وسائل الإعلام إثر استقالته عقب تولي السيد الباجي قائد السبسي مقاليد لوزارة الاولى. رفض السيد الشابي الإعتراف بالأخطاء التقديرية الفادحة التي قام بها وعلقها كلها على الغنوشي، الاتحاد، أو ضمنيا الحركة الإحتجاجية لمعتصمي القصبة. ولربما لم ينتبه الشابي أنه برهن من حيث لا يدري على أنه من يتحمل المسؤولية دون سواه. فمثلا القى باللوم على رئيس الوزراء لتردده وقلة جرأته، ثم ذكر أن عديد القرارات الهامة كانت تاخذ دون استشارته كعضو في الحكومة ودون علم الوزير الأول في بعض الاحيان.

الأكيد أن عقودا من حكم الحزب الواحد والرئيس الواحد والرأي الواحد كرست مفهوما منحرفا للمسؤولية يستهزأ بالشعب وينظر إليه شعوريا أو لا شعوريا بنظرة القاصر الذي لا يرتقي الى مستوى محاسبة رجل الدولة ومسائلته جديا. ومما زاد في تفاقم هذا المشكل انغلاق النخبة السياسية التي استفردت بالسلطة منذ الإستقلال على نفسها ورفضها كل محاولات الإنفتاح والإصلاح.

2 morts, une église incendiée dans des violences confessionnelles ?????????: L’Orient-Le Jour

Deux hommes ont été tués samedi dans des violences entre musulmans et chrétiens et une église a été incendiée en banlieue du Caire, a indiqué l'agence officielle égyptienne Mena, citant un responsable de la sécurité.

"Décès de deux personnes et incendie de l'église Al-Chahidaine dans des heurts entre deux familles", a affirmé ce responsable.

قتل رجلان في القاهرة، ويدعي المصدر ان النزاع كان بين مسيحي ومسلم، واحترقت كنيسةعلى اثر ذلك

The Arab Spring : Rashid Khalidi

But this is also a region where debates over how to limit the power of rulers led to sustained constitutional effervescence in Tunisia and Egypt in the late 1870s and to the establishment of a Constitution in the Ottoman Empire in 1876. At that time the empire included not only today’s Turkey but most of the eastern Arab world, including Syria and Iraq. Later, in 1906, Iran established a constitutional regime. Later still, in the interwar period and afterward, the semi-independent and independent countries of the region were mainly governed by constitutional regimes.


If the people of the Arab world are fortunate in achieving democratic transitions, and can begin to confront the many deep problems their societies face, it is vital that a new Arab world, born of a struggle for freedom, social justice and dignity, be treated with the respect it deserves, and that for the first time in decades it is beginning to earn.

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Suddenly, to be an Arab has become a good thing. People all over the Arab world feel a sense of pride in shaking off decades of cowed passivity under dictatorships that ruled with no deference to popular wishes. And it has become respectable in the West as well. Egypt is now thought of as an exciting and progressive place; its people’s expressions of solidarity are welcomed by demonstrators in Madison, Wisconsin; and its bright young activists are seen as models for a new kind of twenty-first-century mobilization. Events in the Arab world are being covered by the Western media more extensively than ever before and are being talked about positively in a fashion that is unprecedented. Before, when anything Muslim or Middle Eastern or Arab was reported on, it was almost always with a heavy negative connotation. Now, during this Arab spring, this has ceased to be the case. An area that was a byword for political stagnation is witnessing a rapid transformation that has caught the attention of the world.
Three things should be said about this sea change in perceptions about Arabs, Muslims and Middle Easterners. The first is that it shows how superficial, and how false, were most Western media images of this region. Virtually all we heard about were the ubiquitous terrorists, the omnipresent bearded radicals and their veiled companions trying to impose Sharia and the corrupt, brutal despots who were the only option for control of such undesirables. In US government-speak, faithfully repeated by the mainstream media, most of that corruption and brutality was airbrushed out through the use of mendacious terms like “moderates” (i.e., those who do and say what we want). That locution, and the one used to denigrate the people of the region, “the Arab street,” should now be permanently retired.
The second feature of this shift in perceptions is that it is very fragile. Even if all the Arab despots are overthrown, there is an enormous investment in the “us versus them” view of the region. This includes not only entire bureaucratic empires engaged in fighting the “war on terror,” not only the industries that supply this war and the battalions of contractors and consultants so generously rewarded for their services in it; it also includes a large ideological archipelago of faux expertise, with vast shoals of “terrorologists” deeply committed to propagating this caricature of the Middle East. These talking heads who pass for experts have ceaselessly affirmed that terrorists and Islamists are the only thing to look for or see. They are the ones who systematically taught Americans not to see the real Arab world: the unions, those with a commitment to the rule of law, the tech-savvy young people, the feminists, the artists and intellectuals, those with a reasonable knowledge of Western culture and values, the ordinary people who simply want decent opportunities and a voice in how they are governed. The “experts” taught us instead that this was a fanatical people, a people without dignity, a people that deserved its terrible American-supported rulers. Those with power and influence who hold these borderline-racist views are not going to change them quickly, if at all: for proof, one needs only a brief exposure to the sewer that is Fox News.
Third, things could easily and very quickly change for the worse in the Arab world, and that could rapidly erode these tender new perceptions. Nothing has yet been resolved in any Arab country, not even in Tunisia or Egypt, where the despots are gone but a real transformation has barely begun. This is true even though both countries possess many of the prerequisites for a constitutional government, a mature democracy, economic progress and social justice—like a strong civil society, a history of labor organization, many highly educated people and some strong institutions. And despite the bravery of those who have been beaten, tear-gassed and shot while demanding change, even less has been transformed in other Arab countries. All of it could turn sour, whether through civil war in Libya or Yemen, paralysis in Tunisia and Egypt, or endless fruitless contestation with those in power in Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Oman, Iraq and elsewhere.
As people in the West learn more about this crucially important part of the world, there are a few more truths that should be transmitted. One is that this is not a region that is uniquely unsuited to democracy, or has no constitutional traditions or has always suffered under autocratic rulers. The Middle East has certainly suffered recently under a string of appalling regimes. But this is also a region where debates over how to limit the power of rulers led to sustained constitutional effervescence in Tunisia and Egypt in the late 1870s and to the establishment of a Constitution in the Ottoman Empire in 1876. At that time the empire included not only today’s Turkey but most of the eastern Arab world, including Syria and Iraq. Later, in 1906, Iran established a constitutional regime. Later still, in the interwar period and afterward, the semi-independent and independent countries of the region were mainly governed by constitutional regimes. These were flawed experiments that faced massive obstacles in the form of entrenched interests, the autocratic proclivities of rulers, and massive illiteracy and poverty. Still, the failures to establish sustained constitutional and parliamentary regimes were not due solely to those factors. These governments were systematically undermined by the imperialist great powers, whose ambitions and interests were often obstructed by parliaments, nascent public opinion and a press that insisted on national sovereignty and a fair share of their own resources. From the European powers’ undermining of the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional governments in the first decades of the twentieth century, to America’s interference in Lebanon and Syria and overthrow of the Iranian government in the 1950s, the pattern was continually repeated. The Western powers not only gave little or no support to democratic rule in the Middle East; they often actively undermined it, preferring to deal with pliable autocrats who did their bidding. In other words, the pattern of Western support for easily manipulated dictatorial regimes is by no means a new one.
Much has been said in recent weeks about the potential of applying the “Turkish model” to the Arab world. In fact, Turkey and the Arab states came to their understanding of modernity—and with it of constitutions, democracy, and human, civil and political rights—through a shared late Ottoman past. This era, from the 1860s until 1918, shaped the understanding of these concepts for their peoples, although both Turkish and Arab nationalists have fiercely denied any Ottoman impact on their modern nation-states. Today Turkey does provide a model of how to reconcile a powerful military establishment with democracy, and a secular system with a religious orientation among much of the populace. It also serves as a model of economic success, of a workable cultural synthesis between East and West, and of how to exert influence on the world stage. In all these respects, it is perceived as a more attractive model than what is widely seen in the Arab world as a failed alternative: the thirty-two-year-old Iranian theocratic system.
The Arab states have a long way to go to undo the terrible legacy of repression and stagnation and move toward democracy, the rule of law, social justice and dignity, which have been the universal demands of their peoples during this Arab spring. The term “dignity” involves a dual demand: first, for the dignity of the individual in the face of rulers who treat their subjects as without rights and beneath contempt. But there is also a demand for the collective dignity of proud states like Egypt, and of the Arabs as a people. This was the demand that nationalist leaders rode to power starting in the 1950s, as they targeted colonialism and neocolonialism. After that generation’s failures, they were replaced by dictators who provided the “stability” so prized by the West—stability purchased at the price of the dignity of the individual and the collective. It is this humiliation, by repressive rulers and vis-à-vis the outside world, that demonstrators from Rabat to Manama seek to eliminate. So far they have focused almost entirely on the root causes of their problems, which are largely internal. There has been little or no emphasis on foreign policy, no visible anti-Western feeling and limited mention of Israel or Palestine.
There is great peril in ignoring this demand for collective dignity, whether it relates to the patronizing way the United States has long treated the region or the casual dismissal of the beliefs of most Arabs that justice has not been and is not being done to the Palestinians. If the people of the Arab world are fortunate in achieving democratic transitions, and can begin to confront the many deep problems their societies face, it is vital that a new Arab world, born of a struggle for freedom, social justice and dignity, be treated with the respect it deserves, and that for the first time in decades it is beginning to earn.

The lion wants his juice back : Pepe Escobar

No less than 80% of Libya's oil fields and refineries are now in the hands of those "al-Qaeda zombie youths on drugs". Gaddafi knows he needs to get Brega back - and quick. He'll go for it, again, and with a more lethal strategy. He still holds Ras Lanouf, 80 kilometers west of Brega - the refinery (220,000 barrels a day), the port and the airport. But he can't afford to lose Brega.


THE ROVING EYE
You're Muammar Gaddafi, and you're sitting in your Bab al-Azizia bunker sipping green tea and surveying the odds of staying in power. Let's see. You control some neighborhoods in Tripoli; some cities in the far west, near the Tunisian border; your birthplace, Sirte. And that's it.

You may have lost like 90% of your country. You tried to get Zawiya (west of Tripoli) back and failed; those god-damned tribals betrayed you. You tried to get Misrata (east of Tripoli), and failed. You tried to get Brega - the second-largest processing and oil shipping terminal in Libya - and failed.

The Americans and Brits are dying to invade. "Experts" say you're boxed in and have only Zimbabwe as an exile destination. Venezuelan President "brother" Hugo Chavez wants to send a multinational delegation to negotiate. Negotiate what? This is your country. L'Etat, c'est moi - the state is me, King Muammar. Nobody can steal my mojo.

They froze your multi-billionaire assets from A to Z. They shut down your banks. But you've still got some dough. A whole lot of weaponry. A few (malfunctioning) jets. You have those thousands of black African mercenaries. You have the 10,000-strong special brigade led by your son Khamis. You got state TV.

So what do you do? You double down. And go for broke.

The lion sleeps tonight
Danger: the African king of kings in his bunker is like a lion resting under a tree. He knows that from the west the "rebels" - or in shorthand official narrative "al-Qaeda zombie youths on drugs" - haven't got a chance to hurt him unless they organize a very complex attack army out of many rag-tag bands with Kalashnikovs and rocket-propelled grenades in scattered towns.

He knows that the rebels in the east have to do the same - plus travel, unprotected, along an infinite desert highway just to get to Sirte, where they can be smashed by his jets and tanks.

So he knows they can defend - Zawiya, Misrata, Brega - but they don't have what it takes to attack. That gives him enough time to better plan how to go for the kill.

There's only one problem with this Lion King scenario. What if he runs out of oil?

No less than 80% of Libya's oil fields and refineries are now in the hands of those "al-Qaeda zombie youths on drugs". Gaddafi knows he needs to get Brega back - and quick. He'll go for it, again, and with a more lethal strategy. He still holds Ras Lanouf, 80 kilometers west of Brega - the refinery (220,000 barrels a day), the port and the airport. But he can't afford to lose Brega.

Brega is not exporting any oil. There are no tankers coming and going. Oil production in the southeastern fields that feed Brega has been downsized, from 90,000 barrels a day to just 11,000; there's nowhere to store them. There's no oil flowing at the Nafoora field, part of the Sirte Basin. Italy's ENI, the top foreign oil major, is repatriating all non-essential personnel. Libya's daily production dropped from 1.6 million barrels to 850,000, and will fall further.

More than this oil on storage, Gaddafi needs working refineries pumping out juice for his already cranky military machine. The crowds in liberated Benghazi say that they don't need oil money - because they never got much of from central government anyway in Cyrenaica. The problem is sooner rather than later they will need more weapons. Thus they will need oil money to buy them.

Benghazi is convulsed by rumors of Gaddafi's secret police infiltrated everywhere gathering local intel - even inside the courthouse which has been transformed into eastern liberated Libya's Revolution Central. No wonder al-Jazeera is reporting that people in Brega and Ajdabiya badly want a no-fly zone - to the horror of pan-Arab media.

It's stalemate time - and the lion is biding his time, never more dangerous when he maneuvers in the shade. Although the Algerian government has vociferously denied, officially, it is helping Gaddafi, Algeria, with 40% unemployment and across the board pent-up rage, is also on the brink. Frightful Fortress Europe, meanwhile, prays. While the Greenstream gas pipeline from Libya to Sicily is now closed (Italians are not yet freaking out), Spain dreams of the new US$1.4 billion gas pipeline from Algeria set to open in a few days.

Doomsday practitioners already visualize Algeria's oil production - 1.4 million barrels a day - soon going down the drain alongside Libya's. No wonder the head of oil research at Barclays Capital, Paul Horsnell, says things can potentially be worse than Iran 1979; "The world has only 4.5 million barrels per day of spare capacity."

Thus speculation will be king for the foreseeable future. Meanwhile, the lion sleeps, tonight and in subsequent nights, musing how he'll get his juice back while a sinister chill envelops Libya all over again.

Should Egypt's next president be old guard or vanguard? : Khaled Diab

I dont know about reinventing democracy, but....

"Some view the absence of clear presidential candidates as a problem which, at some levels, it is. But if Egyptians choose someone to lead them who is not part of the political class, then they may just create a true "government of the people, by the people, for the people" – and perhaps even reinvent democracy itself."


Amr Moussa is very popular with Egyptians and is ready to stand. The problem is, he's part of a discredited past

Personally, I would back Amr Moussa as transitional president if the presidency was stripped of its power and transformed into a ceremonial position to provide Egypt with a unifying figure during its democratic transformation and a recognisable face to the outside world. But Moussa himself is opposed to Egypt becoming a full parliamentary democracy, at least for the time being.

Well, if not Amr Moussa, then who? Other names doing the rounds include former IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei and the head of the al-Ghad party Ayman Nour. Though neither are popular candidates according to the poll cited above, ElBaradei has the advantage of being a non-partisan figure around whom the opposition have rallied, especially prior to the revolution, while Nour is young and has the credibility of having been at the forefront of Egypt's struggle for democracy which landed him in jail for having dared to run against Mubarak in the 2005 elections.

On the downside, after decades walking the corridors of international diplomacy, ElBaradei is something of a "Johnny-come-lately", while many Egyptians fear that Nour and his liberal party will continue the neoliberal economic policies that have aggravated inequalities in Egypt.

Who will become Egypt's next president will, hopefully, be for all Egyptians to decide later this year. But with the range of established political figures being so uninspiring and in the spirit of the fundamental change awakened by the revolution, the conditions for running should be so eased that the young leaders of the revolution and even unknown citizens with well thought out platforms can run and perhaps become the next president.

Some view the absence of clear presidential candidates as a problem which, at some levels, it is. But if Egyptians choose someone to lead them who is not part of the political class, then they may just create a true "government of the people, by the people, for the people" – and perhaps even reinvent democracy itself.

تونسيه تريد الزواج بعد سقوط بن علي

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EKrkRjdF6cE

Un thé à Sanaa : François-Xavier Trégan

http://www.revue21.fr/Un-the-a-Sanaa

Chez Moudich Ali Abadel, le roi du thé, c’est un défilé continu de bouts du Yémen habillés de costumes trois pièces, de tissus serrés à la taille ou de foulards colorés vissés autour de la tête qui défile pour parler de liberté.

Chez Moudich Ali Abadel, ça n’arrête pas d’entrer et de sortir. Difficile de s’arrêter pour faire la conversation dans 10 mètres carrés, le brouhaha des ustensiles se mêle au vieux magnétophone qui crache des mélodies populaires. « Le roi du thé adénite », mèche rousse teintée au henné, moustache, calot sur la tête, n’a jamais vu ça en 23 ans de métier. Sanaa, la capitale du Yémen, sa ville, turbulente, révolutionnaire, violente et bruyante jusqu’à pas d’heure.

Un blogueur arrêté au pays d’Al Jazeera : Rafik Ouerchefani

Sultan al-Khalaifi, blogueur qatari et fondateur d'une ONG enregistrée en Suisse mais qui s'intéresse à des dossiers de détention au Qatar, a été arrêté avant hier soir (2 mars), pour des raisons encore inconnues.

Amnesty International a exprimé sa vive préoccupation aux actes de tortures et autres types de mauvais traitements que pourrait subir le blogueur.

Selon Amnesty, le blogueur a été arrêté pour être, dans un premier temps, conduit chez lui où ses détenteurs ont procédé à une perquisition. Ils ont saisi des CDs et un ordinateur portable. La voiture de ses parents a égalment été fouillée. Le jour de son arrestation, il avait prévenu son épouse que les forces de l'ordre l'avaient contacté. Actuellement le lieu de détention d'Al-Khalaifi est encore inconnu.

Sur Facebook, des pages appellent à la chute de régime qatari, jugé corrompu. Une manifestation est prévue pour le 16 mars. A l'heure actuelle, on ignore si l'arrestation de Sultan est lié à cet appel à manifester.

Ce qui est indéniable c'est que les autorités des pays arabes sont sur le qui-vive depuis la révolution tunisienne et les cyberactivistes sont sous étroite surveillance dans les recoins de la toile.

Autre point important, la chaine Al Jazeera, elle qui a bien mediatisé les révolutions tunisienne et éyptienne, pour l'heure elle n'a pas parlé du cas de Sultan al-Khalaifi !

من موقع "ويكيليكس

يقول موقع ويكيليكس ان اموال القذافي تتوزع في بنوك 35 دولة، ومن الصعب معرفة الارقام بدقة، لكن هذا بعض ما وجد والمخفي أعظم.
أمريكا الشمالية: استخدم الصندوق السيادي الليبي النظام المالي الأمريكي لشراء سندات وصكوك منخفضة المخاطرة، كما أودعت ليبيا أكثر من 32 مليار دولار في مصارف أمريكية على شكل سيولة مباشرة، وقد جمدت وزارة الخزينة الأمريكية 30 مليار منها.

كما ضخت ليبيا 300 مليون دولار في مصرف "ليمان براذرز" وفق ما أظهرته الوثائق التي قدمها البنك لدى طلب حمايته من الإفلاس قبل
في كندا قامت ليبيا بواحدة من أولى استثماراتها الدولية، إذ دفعت 320 مليون دولار عام 2009 لشراء حصة في شركة "فيرنيكس" للطاقة.

أوروبا: وتشير وثائق موقع "ويكيليكس" إلى أن ليبيا مالت منذ فترة طويلة للاستثمار في أوروبا، وقد حصلت ليبيا على حصص في شركات مثل "إني" النفطية، وبنك "يوني كريدت" وحصلت على حصة 7.5 في المائة من فريق يوفنتوس.

وفي بريطانيا، لدى ليبيا حصة 3.3 في المائة بشركة "بيرسون" التي تمتلك صحيفة "فايننشال تايمز" ودار "بنغوين" للنشر، إلى جانب حصص في مصارف تدير ممتلكات عقارية، إلى جانب حصص في ثلاث منشآت نفطية أوروبية وأكثر من ثلاثة آلاف محطة لبيع الوقود.

احتجاجات بالسعودية تطالب بإطلاق سراح الشيخ توفيق !!!!!!!!!!!!!!ولما لا! في الاردن تطالب المظاهرات بعدم سقوط النظام.. لكن باصلاح النظام!! واحدة واحدة

أمر
العاهل السعودي بإصلاحات اقتصادية بقيمة 37 مليار دولار فور عودته من رحلته العلاجية،
شهدت
محافظة "الإحساء"، شرقي المملكة العربية السعودية، مظاهرة شارك فيها المئات بعد ظهر الجمعة، للمطالبة بإطلاق سراح عدد من السجناء الشيعة، يقول المحتجون إنهم تعرضوا للسجن "دون محاكمة عادلة."

وقال إبراهيم المقيطيب، رئيس جمعية "حقوق الإنسان أولاً"، إن إطلاق سراح الشيخ توفيق العامر، الذي يقول المحتجون إنه تعرض للاعتقال قبل أسبوع، على خلفية دعوته لإقامة ما أسماها "ملكية دستورية" في السعودية، كان في مقدمة مطالب الاحتجاجات

ماذا ينتظر الفقراء العرب في عام 2011؟ : مصطفى العرب

http://arabic.cnn.com/2010/hiaw/12/30/poverty.case/index.html

لمعرفة المزيد عن وضع الفقراء في العالم العربي انقر على الوصلة

ولم توفر الأزمة سكان الدول العربية الفقيرة أو الغنية، فبعد اعتناق المنطقة لـ"مبادئ السوق،" جاءت الأزمة لتوجه ضربة للطبقات الفقيرة التي كان يجب أن تحظى بالحماية خلال "المراحل الانتقالية." وفي الدول الثرية وجد الملايين ثرواتهم التي ادخروها بأسواق المال وهي تتبدد مع اللون الأحمر الذي غمر المؤشرات.

ويتطلع الفقراء العرب للعام المقبل بمشاعر متضاربة، فهو أول من عانى من آثار الأزمات الاقتصادية، ولكنهم يشكّون بأن يكونوا أول من يستفيد من الانتعاش المرتقب، خاصة وأنهم اعتادوا على دفع فواتير التقلبات الاقتصادية وتعثر الخطط الحكومية.

WECHO commence la mise en ligne dès lundi pour que le site Bloggers Without Borders soit fourni le jour du lancement

Hello,

WECHO commence la mise en ligne dès lundi pour que le site Bloggers Without Borders soit fourni le jour du lancement.
Vos contributions sont attendues.
Merci de me les faire parvenir par mail.
Vous trouverez ci-dessous le menu choisi.
La version du site en arabe est prévu dans une second temps.

Salutations,
Claudine


FR: ENGLISH

Actualités Top stories
Entretiens Interviews
Citoyennetés Civic Liberties
Journalisme 2.0

The Arab Revolt Is a Word We Dare Not Speak : John Pilger

http://www.truth-out.org/behind-arab-revolt-a-word-we-dare-not-speak68036

Good article

الفنان والخطاط الفلسطيني "سعيد فلاح غنايم" والملقب بالنهري، موهبة بحق وحقيق

http://www.thaqafa.org/Main/default.aspx?xyz=BOgLkxlDHteZpYqykRlUuI1kx/VDUOFodI2FiUMPaCgmpHfjhyUC8uDGaYZygd%2bB241N8iYSzFEpGdvwh4BD%2buu%2bjVLe8fPQdDRxniNFb4p1P5pihAuekIrcHpVVX0h3vjDxNNWBzoI%3d

الفنان والخطاط الفلسطيني "سعيد فلاح غنايم" والملقب بالنهري من مواليد عام 1961 في مدينة سخنين بجليل فلسطين المغتصب منذ عام 1948، برزت مواهبه وميله الفني التشكيلي في سن مبكرة، تابع دراسته الأكاديمية في كلية فبتسو حيفا، متخرجاً من قسم التصميم الجرافيكي والخط عام 1983، عمل بعد تخرجه في عدة صحف فلسطينية مثل: صحيفة "الصنارة" الفلسطينية التي تصدر بمدينة الناصرة كمصمم ومخرج فني، والرسوم الكاريكاتيرية، كما عمل أيضاً في صحيفة "كل العرب" الناصرية، وصحيفة "الاتحاد" الصادرة في حيفا، وصحيفة "الأهالي" في مدينته سخنين.

عُمان: منبر احتجاجي دائم الحراك في صحار : ريبورتاج مصور من بي بي سي

http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/multimedia/2011/03/110304_oman4mar_protest.shtml

الخطاط الفلسطيني سعيد النهري، لحظة من المتعة والراحة، وهذا وعد_ المحرر

http://www.thaqafa.org/Main/default.aspx?xyz=BOgLkxlDHteZpYqykRlUuI1kx/VDUOFodI2FiUMPaCgmpHfjhyUC

My field work has revealed that Cave dwellings and cave cities are an integral aspect of Palestinian architectural heritage : Ali Qleibo

.http://www.thisweekinpalestine.com/details.php?id=3351&ed=192&;edid=192




Dear friends,
For the past two months I have been enjoying my field work on Palestinian Cave culture. Over the past few years I had been referring to the prevalence of cave cities in Palestine. I had decided to follow up my previous references as the thesis for this issue of TWIP which centers on the concept of heritage. My field work has revealed that Cave dwellings and cave cities are an integral aspect of Palestinian architectural heritage. The role the communal underground social life has exercised in the shaping of the peasant culture , the assigning to the clan its symbolic importance as the elementary form of kinship, the use of space, the aesthetics and values underlying our contemporary manners and customs are a reflection of that formative period that strikes deep roots into early Semitic settlement pattern in the early bronze period. The article describes the pattern of settlements and relates early constructs to modern living conditions and contemporary orientation of the village in space.
To go directly to the article and see the photos you may follow the link