Hosni Mubarak was only the visible tip of an iceberg of corruption – the state he created in his image remains
More than two months after the start of the popular uprising that overthrew President Hosni Mubarak, Egyptians are increasingly fearful that although he is gone, his regime is still alive and kicking.
Egyptians now realise that Mubarakstan, the virtual edifice created by Mubarak and his coterie to ensure the continued dominance of a closed circle of politicians and businessmen, hasn't collapsed along with the fall of its head and protector.
It is also distressingly evident that Mubarak was nothing more than the visible tip of an iceberg of corruption, for Mubarakstan is in fact a full-fledged state – a colonial power in every sense of the word, a state with its own colonial discourse, its propaganda machine and its brutal militia. It even has its own capital in the city of Sharm el-Sheikh, where the ruling elite eat their imported dinners and lounge on sumptuous sandy beaches.
In Sharm el-Sheikh a parallel universe has been created, a lavish and elaborate underwater tank where the noises of the people can't filter through. That's why it has become the emblem of the rift between the decision-makers, whose decisions were taken only in support of their own interests, and the population they governed, whose angry shouts remained totally muted.
Mubarakstan has created its little Sharm el-Sheikhs in many other locations, small enclaves of gated communities in the most spectacular places in the country, leaving the rest of the "natives", 40% of whom live way below any recognisable poverty line, to languish in a huge country-wide ghetto.
The state of Mubarakstan even boasts its own bank. The Arab International Bank, which stands on Egyptian soil, is nonetheless an offshore business enterprise that is completely outside the Egyptian government's jurisdiction.
This was where Egypt's billionaires deposited their loot without the possibility of ever being found out. How and when was such a bank established? Why is it still operating? These are questions that nobody is answering at the moment.
The military council that took power following the overthrow of Mubarak pledged an end to corruption. Nothing on the ground, however, suggests that the desired change is happening. For one thing, Mubarak and his family seem no closer to prosecution today than they have ever been.
It is true that a few figures have been offered as sacrificial lambs, including the interior minister who had given the orders to fire at demonstrators. But Mubarak's close associates, who had been implicated in flagrant abuses of the political system and had amassed huge fortunes, are still at large.
More serious still, state television and newspapers are still headed by the same pro-Mubarak propaganda team who falsified facts during the protests. Egyptians can't forget how state TV falsely accused protesters of being foreign spies who had been paid to destabilise the country.
Why are these officials still occupying their positions? No credible answer has been given. What is particularly worrying is that the military council and the new government of Essam Sharaf, who was himself given an overwhelming vote of confidence in Tahrir, seem to be adopting the same strategy of selective deafness that the Mubarak regime had used.
Not only was he set free at this particular juncture, but he was also given a hero's welcome on TV and in the papers. Every time I changed the TV channel, he was there spewing out some criminal nonsense, such as the legitimacy of murdering people if religious scholars permitted it.
Was the publicity given to Zomor and other Islamic radicals an innocent coincidence? This is hardly likely. The message to the Egyptian population and to the world was clear. It was the message that Mubarak was trying to give throughout his 30 years in office. If Egyptians didn't accept Mubarak's terms of stability, the beasts would be let out of their cages.
The ruling military council has repeatedly reassured the Egyptian people that all their legitimate demands will be fulfilled. I sincerely hope so – not only for the sake of the military's credibility, which hangs in the balance, but also for the sake of the country.
But should the military or the government believe that they can still ignore public opinion and continue to provide no adequate answers to all these queries, they will be making a historic mistake.
The fallen Mubarak regime may fight as hard as it can to retain its hold on power, and it may score some limited victories. But in the end nothing can take away Egyptians' sense of empowerment that resulted from their collective action.
Friday, April 1, 2011
Bahreïn: un blogueur libéré après des critiques de Washington : L’Orient-Le Jour
Les autorités bahreïnies ont libéré jeudi le blogueur Mahmoud al-Youssef, dont l'arrestation avait été dénoncée par le département d'Etat américain, a rapporté l'agence officielle Bna.
M. Youssef a été remis en liberté "après avoir été interrogé jeudi par les autorités compétentes", a déclaré un porte-parole officiel dans un bref communiqué, publié dans la nuit de jeudi à vendredi par l'agence Bna.
Le porte-parole n'a donné aucune précision sur les raisons ou la durée de l'arrestation du blogueur, ni sur les circonstances de sa libération.
L'arrestation de M. Youssef avait été dénoncée mercredi par un porte-parole du département d'Etat américain, Mark Toner. "Nous sommes très préoccupés par son arrestation, c'est un blogueur important et respecté", avait-il dit.
M. Toner avait également évoqué l'interpellation de "deux autres militants sur internet" qui auraient critiqué la situation dans le pays, un
M. Youssef a été remis en liberté "après avoir été interrogé jeudi par les autorités compétentes", a déclaré un porte-parole officiel dans un bref communiqué, publié dans la nuit de jeudi à vendredi par l'agence Bna.
Le porte-parole n'a donné aucune précision sur les raisons ou la durée de l'arrestation du blogueur, ni sur les circonstances de sa libération.
L'arrestation de M. Youssef avait été dénoncée mercredi par un porte-parole du département d'Etat américain, Mark Toner. "Nous sommes très préoccupés par son arrestation, c'est un blogueur important et respecté", avait-il dit.
M. Toner avait également évoqué l'interpellation de "deux autres militants sur internet" qui auraient critiqué la situation dans le pays, un
Lose Saudi Arabia and they will lose the Gulf states.: Tariq Ali
Libya is another case of selective vigilantism by the west
Bombing Tripoli while shoring up other despots in the Arab world shows the UN-backed strikes to oust Gaddafi are purely cynical
The US-Nato intervention in Libya, with United Nations security council cover, is part of an orchestrated response to show support for the movement against one dictator in particular and by so doing to bring the Arab rebellions to an end by asserting western control, confiscating their impetus and spontaneity and trying to restore the status quo ante.
It is absurd to think that the reasons for bombing Tripoli or for the turkey shoot outside Benghazi are designed to protect civilians. This particular argument is designed to win support from the citizens of Euro-America and part of the Arab world. "Look at us," say Obama/Clinton and the EU satraps, "we're doing good. We're on the side of the people." The sheer cynicism is breathtaking. We're expected to believe that the leaders with bloody hands in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan are defending the people in Libya. The debased British and French media are capable of swallowing anything, but the fact that decent liberals still fall for this rubbish is depressing. Civil society is easily moved by some images and Gaddafi's brutality in sending his air force to bomb his people was the pretext that Washington utilised to bomb another Arab capital. Meanwhile, Obama's allies in the Arab world were hard at work promoting democracy.
The Saudis entered Bahrain where the population is being tyrannised and large-scale arrests are taking place. Not much of this is being reported on al-Jazeera. I wonder why? The station seems to have been curbed somewhat and brought into line with the politics of its funders.
All this with active US support. The despot in Yemen, loathed by a majority of his people continues to kill them every day. Not even an arms embargo, let alone a "no-fly zone" has been imposed on him. Libya is yet another case of selective vigilantism by the US and its attack dogs in the west.
They can rely on the French as well. Sarkozy was desperate to do something. Unable to save his friend Ben Ali in Tunisia, he's decided to help get rid of Gaddafi. The British always oblige and in this case, having shored up the Libyan regime for the last two decades, they're making sure they're on the right side so as not to miss out on the division of the spoils. What might they get?
The divisions on this entire operation within the American politico-military elite have meant there is no clear goal. Obama and his European satraps talk of regime change. The generals resist and say that isn't part of their picture. The US state department is busy preparing a new government composed of English-speaking Libyan collaborators. We will now never know how long Gaddafi's crumbling and weakened army would have held together in the face of strong opposition. The reason he lost support within his armed forces was precisely because he ordered them to shoot their own people. Now he speaks of imperialism's desire to topple him and take the oil and even many who despise him can see that it's true. A new Karzai is on the way.
The frontiers of the squalid protectorate that the west is going to create are being decided in Washington. Even those Libyans who, out of desperation, are backing Nato's bomber jets, might – like their Iraqi equivalents – regret their choice.
All this might trigger a third phase at some stage: a growing nationalist anger that spills over into Saudi Arabia and here, have no doubt, Washington will do everything necessary to keep the Saudi royal family in power. Lose Saudi Arabia and they will lose the Gulf states. The assault on Libya, greatly helped by Gaddafi's imbecility on every front, was designed to wrest the initiative back from the streets by appearing as the defenders of civil rights. The Bahrainis, Egyptians, Tunisians, Saudi Arabians, Yemenis will not be convinced, and even in Euro-America more are opposed to this latest adventure than support it. The struggles are by no means over.
Obama talks of a merciless Gaddafi, but the west's own mercy never drops like gentle rain from heaven upon the place beneath. It only blesses the power that dispenses, the mightiest of the mightiest.
Bombing Tripoli while shoring up other despots in the Arab world shows the UN-backed strikes to oust Gaddafi are purely cynical
The US-Nato intervention in Libya, with United Nations security council cover, is part of an orchestrated response to show support for the movement against one dictator in particular and by so doing to bring the Arab rebellions to an end by asserting western control, confiscating their impetus and spontaneity and trying to restore the status quo ante.
It is absurd to think that the reasons for bombing Tripoli or for the turkey shoot outside Benghazi are designed to protect civilians. This particular argument is designed to win support from the citizens of Euro-America and part of the Arab world. "Look at us," say Obama/Clinton and the EU satraps, "we're doing good. We're on the side of the people." The sheer cynicism is breathtaking. We're expected to believe that the leaders with bloody hands in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan are defending the people in Libya. The debased British and French media are capable of swallowing anything, but the fact that decent liberals still fall for this rubbish is depressing. Civil society is easily moved by some images and Gaddafi's brutality in sending his air force to bomb his people was the pretext that Washington utilised to bomb another Arab capital. Meanwhile, Obama's allies in the Arab world were hard at work promoting democracy.
The Saudis entered Bahrain where the population is being tyrannised and large-scale arrests are taking place. Not much of this is being reported on al-Jazeera. I wonder why? The station seems to have been curbed somewhat and brought into line with the politics of its funders.
All this with active US support. The despot in Yemen, loathed by a majority of his people continues to kill them every day. Not even an arms embargo, let alone a "no-fly zone" has been imposed on him. Libya is yet another case of selective vigilantism by the US and its attack dogs in the west.
They can rely on the French as well. Sarkozy was desperate to do something. Unable to save his friend Ben Ali in Tunisia, he's decided to help get rid of Gaddafi. The British always oblige and in this case, having shored up the Libyan regime for the last two decades, they're making sure they're on the right side so as not to miss out on the division of the spoils. What might they get?
The divisions on this entire operation within the American politico-military elite have meant there is no clear goal. Obama and his European satraps talk of regime change. The generals resist and say that isn't part of their picture. The US state department is busy preparing a new government composed of English-speaking Libyan collaborators. We will now never know how long Gaddafi's crumbling and weakened army would have held together in the face of strong opposition. The reason he lost support within his armed forces was precisely because he ordered them to shoot their own people. Now he speaks of imperialism's desire to topple him and take the oil and even many who despise him can see that it's true. A new Karzai is on the way.
The frontiers of the squalid protectorate that the west is going to create are being decided in Washington. Even those Libyans who, out of desperation, are backing Nato's bomber jets, might – like their Iraqi equivalents – regret their choice.
All this might trigger a third phase at some stage: a growing nationalist anger that spills over into Saudi Arabia and here, have no doubt, Washington will do everything necessary to keep the Saudi royal family in power. Lose Saudi Arabia and they will lose the Gulf states. The assault on Libya, greatly helped by Gaddafi's imbecility on every front, was designed to wrest the initiative back from the streets by appearing as the defenders of civil rights. The Bahrainis, Egyptians, Tunisians, Saudi Arabians, Yemenis will not be convinced, and even in Euro-America more are opposed to this latest adventure than support it. The struggles are by no means over.
Obama talks of a merciless Gaddafi, but the west's own mercy never drops like gentle rain from heaven upon the place beneath. It only blesses the power that dispenses, the mightiest of the mightiest.
The revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen – and protests in Oman, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Syria Mideastern democracy? : Mai Yamani
Until March, intervention predominantly took the form of “soft power,” with the Qatari satellite television station Al-Jazeera and online social networking playing a significant role in the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. Open political statements by governments outside the region against or in favor of a regime, or such governments’ ties to armies in the region, also helped direct the process of change in these countries.
A crude truth has emerged from the charade and hypocrisy of the international response to the Arab revolutions: Despite lofty rhetoric to the contrary, the rights of citizens really are secondary to their countries’ oil wealth. The leaders of oil-rich Arab autocracies have known this for a long time – indeed, their hold on power depends on it. As a result they have proven eager to uphold their side of the bargain by giving Europe and the United States the political support that they needed to legitimize Western military intervention in Libya.
But in this security theater of the absurd – in which Qatar stands for “human rights” in Libya, Saudi Arabia stands for “stability” in Bahrain, and the West tries to stand for both – some leaders are sowing the seeds of their own destruction. The Saudi regime, for example, is linking the Shiites of Bahrain and its own Shiite minority to Iran, and in that way it is only deepening the sectarian divide.
After Neville Chamberlain acquiesced in Nazi Germany’s dismantling of Czechoslovakia in 1938, Winston Churchill famously told him: “You were given the choice between war and dishonor. You have chosen dishonor, and you will have war.” In Bahrain, the West – and the United States, in particular – thought the choice was between dishonor and instability. President Barack Obama chose dishonor, and he will get instability
Mai Yamani is an author, broadcaster and lecturer on politics and society in Saudi Arabia and the Middle East. This commentary first appeared at bitterlemons-international.org, an online newsletter that publishes views of Middle Eastern and Islamic issues.
A crude truth has emerged from the charade and hypocrisy of the international response to the Arab revolutions: Despite lofty rhetoric to the contrary, the rights of citizens really are secondary to their countries’ oil wealth. The leaders of oil-rich Arab autocracies have known this for a long time – indeed, their hold on power depends on it. As a result they have proven eager to uphold their side of the bargain by giving Europe and the United States the political support that they needed to legitimize Western military intervention in Libya.
But in this security theater of the absurd – in which Qatar stands for “human rights” in Libya, Saudi Arabia stands for “stability” in Bahrain, and the West tries to stand for both – some leaders are sowing the seeds of their own destruction. The Saudi regime, for example, is linking the Shiites of Bahrain and its own Shiite minority to Iran, and in that way it is only deepening the sectarian divide.
After Neville Chamberlain acquiesced in Nazi Germany’s dismantling of Czechoslovakia in 1938, Winston Churchill famously told him: “You were given the choice between war and dishonor. You have chosen dishonor, and you will have war.” In Bahrain, the West – and the United States, in particular – thought the choice was between dishonor and instability. President Barack Obama chose dishonor, and he will get instability
Mai Yamani is an author, broadcaster and lecturer on politics and society in Saudi Arabia and the Middle East. This commentary first appeared at bitterlemons-international.org, an online newsletter that publishes views of Middle Eastern and Islamic issues.
See You In September : This article is to be read to the tune of the following clip:
This article is to be read to the tune of the following clip:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iu-7DXBiVsA
We have autonomous rule, but we don't have independence. عنا حكم ذاتي بس معناش استقلال
There is and isn't occupation. في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
See you in September راح تشوف في سبتمبر
See you when the summer's through خليني اشوفك بعد الصيف
Here we are (bye, baby, goodbye) هيا نا باي باي مع السلامة
Saying goodbye at the station (bye, baby, goodbye) قول سلامات على المحطة باي باي بباي
Summer vacation (bye, baby bye, baby) باي باي لعطلة الصيف
Is taking you away (bye, baby, goodbye) الحكي لالك باي باي بباي
Have a good time but remember اقضي وقتا ممتعا لكن تذكر
There is danger in the summer moon above في خطر فوق عند القمر الصيفي
Will I see you in September الى اللقاء في سبتمبر
Or lose you to a summer love او صيع حبك الصيفي
(counting the days 'til I'll be with you) عد الايام حتى موعد لقائنا
(counting the hours and the minutes, too) عد الساعات والدقائق ايضا
Bye, baby, goodbyeباي باي بباي
Bye, baby, goodbye باي باي بباي
Bye, baby, goodbye (bye-bye, so long, farewell) باي باي بباي ووداع طويل
Bye, baby, goodbye (bye-bye, so long) باي باي بباي ووداع طويل
Abbas: Palestinians to ask for UN recognition if peace talks fail
PA President threatens to quit in September if peace talks with Israel don't move forward, urges Israel to 'take advantage' of the current 'order' in the West Bank.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has been dropping hints that he will leave his post in September should negotiations with Israel not resume by then, and should there be no agreement about the establishment of a Palestinian state.
During a meeting in Ramallah with members of the Council for Peace and Security (who include former top IDF officers ), Abbas declared that the PA intends to work toward the establishment of a Palestinian state, and to win Israeli recognition for such a state. However, he indicated, if no accord is reached between the two sides, and if serious talks do not resume, the PA will turn to the UN General Assembly in September and request recognition of an independent Palestinian state.
Asked about possible scenarios following such a UN vote, Abbas claimed he is deliberately maintaining ambiguity on this issue. Yet, he said, "should we return [from the United Nations] empty-handed, we will convene a meeting of the Palestinian leadership and decide what to do. We have autonomous rule, but we don't have independence. There is and isn't occupation. The [Israeli occupiers] can come at any moment. They can invade our territories. They can do anything. They can even stop me, as head of the PA, from going home."
"So what are we supposed to do?" he asked. "What should be our answer, if we have lost all hope? I can't respond to that."
Abbas reiterated that the PA will only turn to the UN General Assembly if it runs out of all other options.
"If you [Israelis] do not want negotiations, and don't want an accord, then what are we supposed to do?" he said. "We have imposed order and security here for the past four years, and things are stable now: There is law and order, the economy is progressing, life is normal everywhere in the West Bank. Please, you must take advantage of the opportunity to continue [with talks]. If [the Israelis] don't want [talks], then we will leave. We will leave."
When asked by Haaretz whether he means by these statements that the Palestinian Authority will be disassembled, Abbas responded that he did not say that. He clarified that under the present circumstances, the question "why continue this way" is asked repeatedly.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iu-7DXBiVsA
We have autonomous rule, but we don't have independence. عنا حكم ذاتي بس معناش استقلال
There is and isn't occupation. في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
There is and isn't occupation في وما في احتلال
See you in September راح تشوف في سبتمبر
See you when the summer's through خليني اشوفك بعد الصيف
Here we are (bye, baby, goodbye) هيا نا باي باي مع السلامة
Saying goodbye at the station (bye, baby, goodbye) قول سلامات على المحطة باي باي بباي
Summer vacation (bye, baby bye, baby) باي باي لعطلة الصيف
Is taking you away (bye, baby, goodbye) الحكي لالك باي باي بباي
Have a good time but remember اقضي وقتا ممتعا لكن تذكر
There is danger in the summer moon above في خطر فوق عند القمر الصيفي
Will I see you in September الى اللقاء في سبتمبر
Or lose you to a summer love او صيع حبك الصيفي
(counting the days 'til I'll be with you) عد الايام حتى موعد لقائنا
(counting the hours and the minutes, too) عد الساعات والدقائق ايضا
Bye, baby, goodbyeباي باي بباي
Bye, baby, goodbye باي باي بباي
Bye, baby, goodbye (bye-bye, so long, farewell) باي باي بباي ووداع طويل
Bye, baby, goodbye (bye-bye, so long) باي باي بباي ووداع طويل
Abbas: Palestinians to ask for UN recognition if peace talks fail
PA President threatens to quit in September if peace talks with Israel don't move forward, urges Israel to 'take advantage' of the current 'order' in the West Bank.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has been dropping hints that he will leave his post in September should negotiations with Israel not resume by then, and should there be no agreement about the establishment of a Palestinian state.
During a meeting in Ramallah with members of the Council for Peace and Security (who include former top IDF officers ), Abbas declared that the PA intends to work toward the establishment of a Palestinian state, and to win Israeli recognition for such a state. However, he indicated, if no accord is reached between the two sides, and if serious talks do not resume, the PA will turn to the UN General Assembly in September and request recognition of an independent Palestinian state.
Asked about possible scenarios following such a UN vote, Abbas claimed he is deliberately maintaining ambiguity on this issue. Yet, he said, "should we return [from the United Nations] empty-handed, we will convene a meeting of the Palestinian leadership and decide what to do. We have autonomous rule, but we don't have independence. There is and isn't occupation. The [Israeli occupiers] can come at any moment. They can invade our territories. They can do anything. They can even stop me, as head of the PA, from going home."
"So what are we supposed to do?" he asked. "What should be our answer, if we have lost all hope? I can't respond to that."
Abbas reiterated that the PA will only turn to the UN General Assembly if it runs out of all other options.
"If you [Israelis] do not want negotiations, and don't want an accord, then what are we supposed to do?" he said. "We have imposed order and security here for the past four years, and things are stable now: There is law and order, the economy is progressing, life is normal everywhere in the West Bank. Please, you must take advantage of the opportunity to continue [with talks]. If [the Israelis] don't want [talks], then we will leave. We will leave."
When asked by Haaretz whether he means by these statements that the Palestinian Authority will be disassembled, Abbas responded that he did not say that. He clarified that under the present circumstances, the question "why continue this way" is asked repeatedly.
Oman: un manifestant tué par la police au nord de Mascate
Un manifestant a été tué vendredi par des tirs de la police omanaise qui a dispersé un cortège qui demandait la libération de prisonniers dans le port de Sohar, à 200 km au nord de Mascate.
سقط متظاهر عماني برصاص الشرطة العمانية، عند محاولتهم تفريق المتظاهرين اللذين طالبوا بتحرير السجناء في باب سحار 200كم شمال مسقاطي
Astonishingly, not only Jews are praying secretly for the Damascus regime's survival
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdUBREOM-IA
Astonishingly, not only Jews are praying secretly for the Damascus regime's survival, but many in the Arab parties as well. These parties' leaders have been dumbstruck, their voices have been muted and no outcry has been raised against the Syrian regime's massacre of civilians.
Astonishingly, not only Jews are praying secretly for the Damascus regime's survival, but many in the Arab parties as well. These parties' leaders have been dumbstruck, their voices have been muted and no outcry has been raised against the Syrian regime's massacre of civilians.
بي بي سي: اعادة الجنسية السورية لأكراد سوريا، هل هي خطوة عاقلة من بشار؟
قرار الرئيس السوري، بشار الأسد، بتشكيل لجنة لحل مشكلة ما بات يُعرف بـ "الأكراد الأجانب" في سوريا، يعد أول مسعى رسمي لمعالجة أحد أبرز مطالب الأقلية الكردية، وهو إعادة الجنسية السورية لأفرادها بعد أن حُرموا منها بموجب ذلك الإحصاء.
وكان الرئيس السوري قد أمر بتشكيل ثلاث لجان، أحدها لدراسة سبل حل مشكلة إحصاء عام 1962 الذي أجري في محافظة الحسكة الواقعة شمال شرقي البلاد، وهي المركز الرئيسي للأكراد في سوريا.
روابط ذات صلةباريس: يتعين على الأسد تقديم اقتراحات ملموسة للرد على غضب الشعب السوريبشار الأسد يعد بإحباط "المؤامرة" التي تتعرض لها سورية بشار الأسد يعد بإحباط "المؤامرة" التي تتعرض لها سوريةاقرأ أيضا
موضوعات ذات صلةمختارات، سورية، قضايا الشرق الأوسطوحدد الأسد موعدا زمنيا للجنة لتنهي دراستها وذلك قبل 15 نيسان/ أبريل الجاري، بحيث ترفعها إليه تمهيدا لإصدار قرار بمنح الجنسية السورية لحوالي 300 ألف من أكراد سوريا.
وفور الإعلان عن الخطوة، سارعت وسائل الإعلام الرسمية والخاصة إلى رصد ردود الفعل في المناطق الكردية، إذ بثت محطات التلفزة لقطات ظهر فيها أكراد يعبِّرون فيها عن أملهم بـ "استعادة الحقوق".
بيانات وزارة الخارجية البريطانية ,تعليق وزير الخارجية على العنف في سوريا : من مشارقة
طالب وزير الخارجية، ويليام هيغ، الحكومة السورية باحترام حق التظاهر السلمي، وضبط النفس، وتنفيذ إصلاحات سياسية جادة دول تأخير. ونوه علمه بتشكيل لجان لدراسة إلغاء قانون الطوارئ.
تعليقا على المظاهرات الأخيرة التي جرت في سوريا، قال وزير الخارجية:
"إنني مستمر بمتابعة تطور الأوضاع في سوريا عن كثب، ويساورني قلق عميق لاستمرار سقوط قتلى ووقوع أعمال عنف في درعا واللاذقية. وإنني أطالب الحكومة السورية، عشية المظاهرات المحتمل خروجها يوم الجمعة، أن تحترم مسؤوليتها تجاه حماية المتظاهرين، واحترام حق التظاهر السلمي وحرية التعبير عن الرأي. وإنني أناشد بضبط النفس، وخصوصا من قبل قوات الأمن السورية.
أنوه علما بتشكيل لجان لدراسة إلغاء قانون الطوارئ، وإعادة النظر في إحصاء عام 1962 الذي أدى لحرمان العديد من الأكراد في سوريا من الجنسية السورية. أعتقد أنه من الضروري أن تعالج الحكومة السورية المطالب المشروعة للشعب السوري. كما أدعو للتعجيل بالمضي في إصلاحات سياسية جادة وتنفيذها دون تأخير."
- وزير الخارجية يعلن نشر تقرير حقوق الإنسان والديموقراطية لعام 2010
31 مارس 2011
أعلن وزير الخارجية، ويليام هيغ، اليوم عن نشر تقرير حقوق الإنسان والديموقراطية: تقرير وزارة الخارجية لعام 2010. وهذا التقرير متوفر حاليا عبر الإنترنت.
يلقي هذا التقرير نظرة شاملة على جهود وزارة الخارجية في مجال حقوق الإنسان في أنحاء العالم خلال عام 2010. وهو يسلط الضوء على قضايا ودول بعينها تثير القلق، ويوضح التزام وزير الخارجية بتعزيز جهود وزارة الخارجية في مجال حقوق الإنسان في الداخل والخارج.
هذا التقرير أكثر شمولا مما كان عليه في السنوات السابقة، وقد نشر على موقع إلكتروني لكي يكون متاحا لعامة الناس. وسوف ننشر تحديثات للتقرير كل ثلاثة شهور لتسليط الضوء على قضايا وأحداث حقوق الإنسان في كل من الدول المثيرة للقلق المشار إليها في التقرير. وسوف يتمكن القراء من التعليق على التقرير ومشاركته. سيكون هذا التقرير بمثابة مرجع للبرلمان والمنظمات غير الحكومية وعامة الناس بشأن جهودنا في مجال حقوق الإنسان، ويتيح لهم مساءلتنا على سياستنا ونشاطاتنا.
Irak: 35 blessés lors d'une manifestation à Souleimaniyeh
http://www.lorientlejour.com/category/Derni%C3%A8res+Infos/article/697733/Irak%3A_18_blesses_lors_dune_manifestation_a_Souleimaniyeh.html
Trente-cinq personnes, dont une majorité de policiers, ont été blessées vendredi lors d'une manifestation contre les deux grands partis kurdes qui a rassemblé plus de 4.000 personnes à Souleimaniyeh, dans le nord de l'Irak, selon des sources concordantes.
Ce rassemblement avait débuté en début d'après-midi place Tahrir, dans le centre de cette ville située à 270 km au nord de Bagdad, après la grande prière du vendredi. Les manifestants ont ensuite jeté des pierres sur les forces de police, qui ont riposté avec leurs matraques, selon des témoins interrogés par l'AFP.
Un responsable des urgences de l'hôpital de Souleimaniyeh a fait état de 35 blessés, dont une majorité de policiers.
Au moins un manifestant et un journaliste travaillant pour un média lié à l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) du président irakien Jalal Talabani ont été blessés, selon des témoins.
Trente-cinq personnes, dont une majorité de policiers, ont été blessées vendredi lors d'une manifestation contre les deux grands partis kurdes qui a rassemblé plus de 4.000 personnes à Souleimaniyeh, dans le nord de l'Irak, selon des sources concordantes.
Ce rassemblement avait débuté en début d'après-midi place Tahrir, dans le centre de cette ville située à 270 km au nord de Bagdad, après la grande prière du vendredi. Les manifestants ont ensuite jeté des pierres sur les forces de police, qui ont riposté avec leurs matraques, selon des témoins interrogés par l'AFP.
Un responsable des urgences de l'hôpital de Souleimaniyeh a fait état de 35 blessés, dont une majorité de policiers.
Au moins un manifestant et un journaliste travaillant pour un média lié à l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) du président irakien Jalal Talabani ont été blessés, selon des témoins.
خالد شمت : ما هو الثمن الذي سيدفعه الغرب مقابل المعلومات التي سيقدمها كوسا
وأضافت المجلة "يتوقع الغرب أن يحصل من كوسا الولي الحميم السابق للقذافي على معلومات ثمينة بشأن النظام الليبي، غير أن السؤالين اللذين يطرحان نفسيهما هما ما هو الثمن الذي سيسدده الغرب مقابل ما سيحصل عليه من معلومات؟، وهل سيمنح الاتحاد الأوروبي حق اللجوء السياسي فوق أراضيه لشخص متهم بارتكاب مجازر قتل جماعي؟".
وأشارت الأسبوعية الألمانية إلى أن هروب كوسا مثل هزيمة نفسية للقذافي ومس نظامه في عصب حساس، ونقلت عن دوائر في المعارضة الليبية قولها إن "العقيد أصيب بنوبة هياج وغضب عندما بلغه نبأ هروب وزير خارجيته، وكلف رئيس استخباراته أبو زيد عمر دوردة بالبحث عن مكان وجود كوسا بلندن وتصفيته هناك".
معلومات
واعتبرت دير شبيغيل أن كوسا -البالغ 61 عاما من العمر- يمثل مصدرا لمعلومات قيمة بشأن النظام الليبي يتمنى الغرب الحصول عليها، موضحة أن كوسا ظل ثلاثين عاما من أخلص المقربين للقذافي وكاتم معظم أسراره، وعمل من عام 1994 إلى 2009 رئيسا للاستخبارات الليبية ثم أصبح وزيرا للخارجية.
'Assad announced himself a dictator' : Hugh Macleod بشار الاسد يعلن عن نفسه دكتاتور ناجح
The Baath party in Syria successfully organises large rallies in support of President Assad
They laughed when he laughed.
يضحكون عندما يضحك
Their hearts raced in anticipation, not over those much heralded reforms which failed to materialise - "Weren't emergency laws abolished last week anyway?' asked one - but over the excitement and grandeur of the occasion: the packed parliament, the crowds of cheering supporters and, of course, President Bashar al-Assad himself.
"He is a very good man, he is very strong," said one of the young women, watching on the TV of a café in the wealthy Shaalan area of Damascus as Syria's president prepared to make his first speech to the nation in the wake of unprecedented protests against the 40-year rule of his family.
It had been a fortnight that had witnessed the previously unthinkable: Images of protestors in the southern city of Daraa hauling down the statue of President Assad's father Hafez, the 'eternal leader' whose 30-year rule over Syria instilled such fear that, even today, Syrians dare not speak his name.
Images, too, of Bashar's smiling portrait being torn and kicked. Blood of citizens staining the streets of a country whose rulers promise stability, above all else, but whose security forces had killed more than 60 protestors in a week.
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/03/2011331134947323374.html
يضحكون عندما يضحك
Their hearts raced in anticipation, not over those much heralded reforms which failed to materialise - "Weren't emergency laws abolished last week anyway?' asked one - but over the excitement and grandeur of the occasion: the packed parliament, the crowds of cheering supporters and, of course, President Bashar al-Assad himself.
"He is a very good man, he is very strong," said one of the young women, watching on the TV of a café in the wealthy Shaalan area of Damascus as Syria's president prepared to make his first speech to the nation in the wake of unprecedented protests against the 40-year rule of his family.
It had been a fortnight that had witnessed the previously unthinkable: Images of protestors in the southern city of Daraa hauling down the statue of President Assad's father Hafez, the 'eternal leader' whose 30-year rule over Syria instilled such fear that, even today, Syrians dare not speak his name.
Images, too, of Bashar's smiling portrait being torn and kicked. Blood of citizens staining the streets of a country whose rulers promise stability, above all else, but whose security forces had killed more than 60 protestors in a week.
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/03/2011331134947323374.html
أ ف ب : وزارة الخارجية الامريكية : تدعو رعاياها الى مغادرة سوريا
«تحذر الرعايا الاميركيين من إمكان حصول اضطرابات سياسية ومدنية في سوريا». وقالت «نحثّ المواطنين الاميركيين على تأجيل أي سفر غير ضروري. ننصح المواطنين الاميركيين الموجودين حالياً في سوريا بالتفكير في مغادرة البلاد
ودُعي الاميركيون الى تجنب السفر الى اللاذقية ودرعا حيث سقط قتلى في المواجهات. وقالت وزارة الخارجية إن «مساعي السوريين لأن يحمّلوا جهات خارجية مسؤولية الاضطرابات الحالية تهدّد بتأجيج المشاعر المعادية للاجانب. قد يواجه المواطنون الاميركيون في حال توقيفهم اتهامات بالحض على العنف أو التجسّس».
سوريا: رأت الصحف الالمانية الاسد على انه شديد الغباء بلغ جافة ومخادع لذاته وسجين افكاره ويمثل عالم من الماضي
من الصحف الالمانيةصحيفة "فرانكفورتر ألجماينه
فتحت عنوان "لا جديد من سوريا" إن "بشار الأسد يريد أن يجري تحقيقا حول المظاهرات الدموية الأخيرة في مدن دولته، هذا هو المضمون الجاف لخطاب الرئيس السوري الذي انتظره شعبه والعالم بترقب بالغ"
"ما قاله الأسد لا يخرج عن كونه توثيقا لخداعه لذاته، أو تدليلا على أنه سجين لأفكاره الخاصة المنحصرة في الاحتفاظ بالسلطة لنفسه ولأسرته العلوية، ولحزب البعث الحاكم منذ عام 1963" .
"رغم أن الرئيس السوري في مرحلة الشباب إلا أنه يمثل عالما من الماضي، وهو شديد الذكاء بشكل يُجزم معه بأنه لا يصدق ما قاله في خطابه عن تحول سوريا إلى ضحية لمؤامرة خارجية".
"كما أن لجوء الأسد إلى أفكار التآمر عبر عن طبيعة عربية تميل إلى تبرئة الذات، وعكس لغة فارغة لن تنطلي إلا على شديدي الغباء
"الرئيس السوري المقيم في قصره المرتفع بدمشق لم يستوعب بعد أن هناك ربيعا عربيا هب من الرباط إلى مسقط، وتفتحت أزهاره أيضا في سوريا".
"الرئيس السوري المقيم في قصره المرتفع بدمشق لم يستوعب بعد أن هناك ربيعا عربيا هب من الرباط إلى مسقط، وتفتحت أزهاره أيضا في سوريا".
بشار الأسد "ينتمي مثل نظيره اليمني علي عبد الله صالح إلى فئة ترفض القبول بالواقع، وتصر على الوقوف ضده حتى آخر لحظة".
صحيفة دي فيلت
"الأسد يكسر حاجز صمته ويخادع""بعد صمت طويل تحدث بشار الأسد ممارسا الخداع من خلال أداء متقن قال فيه إن مؤامرة خارجية للأعداء هي المسؤولة عن الاحتجاجات الدامية التي شهدتها البلاد".
"إن الفصل الأول في مسرحية خطاب الرئيس السوري تمثل في لعب الأسد على المشاعر الوطنية بتأكيد انتمائه للشعب"، وتابعت "الفصل المسرحي الثاني تركز في حديث الرئيس بأداء متقن عن حاجته لوقت حتى يلم بمخطط الأعداء قبل الحديث عنه، أما الفصل الثالث فقد جسدته مظاهرات دعت إليها السلطة لإطلاع العالم على حب الشعب لرئيسه القائد".
ولفتت الصحيفة إلى أن القمع الشديد الذي مارسه نظام الحكم في دمشق ولهجته القاسية في التعامل مع مواطنيه المحتجين أظهر بعده عن الانفتاح.
و إن سؤال الخوف السائد في سوريا هو: "هل سيكرر بشار مع معارضيه ما فعله أبوه عام 1982 عندما دمر مدينة حماة فوق رؤوس 350 ألف شخص من سكانها الذين قتل منهم ما بين 20 و30 ألف نفس؟".
أن النظام السوري "يبدو عازما على الاستمرار في الابتعاد عن الواقع، ومواصلة أداء نفس المسرحيات التقليدية الهابطة للدكتاتوريات العربية".
وفي صحيفة فرانكفورتر روندشاو
قطاعا من السوريين المستقلين عن النظام والمعارضة يعارضون نشوب حرب أهلية في بلادهم مثل التي في العراق، ويعلقون آمالهم على قائدهم الشاب في قيادة البلاد نحو الانفتاح.
شريحة أخرى من السوريين يتقدمهم سكان درعا وغيرها من المدن السورية، لم يعودوا عابئين بشيء سوى مواصلة احتجاجاتهم سعيا إلى الحرية، وأشارت إلى دعوة على الإنترنت تحث السوريين على الإضراب جلوسا في أماكنهم يوم الجمعة القادم.
إن حجم الاستجابة لهذه الدعوة وطبيعة تعامل القوى الأمنية السورية معها، سيقدمان إجابة على سؤال يطرح نفسه هو: هل سيمنح السوريون بشار الأسد فرصة أخيرة لتحقيق الإصلاح، أم إن صبرهم على رئيسهم قد نفد؟.
صحيفة دير تاجسشبيغيل
إن المثقفين السوريين المعارضين اعتبروا أن ما أعلنته مستشارة الرئيس بثينة شعبان واستقالة الحكومة السورية "ليس إلا خدعة لن تؤدي لتغيير يذكر".
"توحشت أجهزة الأمن السورية، وضرب الفساد أطنابه في كافة المجالات، وارتبط بشكل وثيق بالأسر المتنفذة، وباتت الرشوة روتينا يوميا، وارتفعت معدلات البطالة وأسعار المواد الغذائية الأساسية بصورة هائلة".
"رغم كل هذه الأوضاع فإن السلطات السورية دفعت الآلاف إلى شوارع دمشق للتعبير عن ولائهم لبشار الأسد، في مظاهرات انتشر فيها عملاء الاستخبارات بكثافة، مما يظهر خوف النظام السوري حتى من المظاهرات المفترض تأييدها له".
Patrick Seale : The Syrian Time Bomb
I have been waiting to see Patrick Seale's take on all this, quite balanced and realistic:
If the regime fails to tame this domestic unrest, Syria's external influence will inevitably be enfeebled, with dramatic repercussions across the Middle East. As the crisis deepens, Syria's allies tremble. Meanwhile, its enemies rejoice, as a weakened Syria would remove an obstacle to their ambitions. But nature abhors a vacuum, and what will come will be unpredictable, at best.
Damascus blamed Israeli provocateurs, rebel forces, and shady foreign agents for the bloodshed -- anyone but its own forces. Civilian deaths at the hands of security forces there, and more recently in the coastal city of Latakia, have outraged opinion across the country, setting alight long pent-up anger at the denial of basic freedoms, the monopolistic rule of the Baath party, and the abuses of a privileged elite. To these ills should be added severe youth unemployment, devastation of the countryside by a grave shortage of rainfall over the past four years, and the impoverishment of the middle and lower classes by low wages and high inflation.
The protesters have in fact challenged the fundamentals of Syria's security state, a harsh system of controls over every aspect of society, put in place by the late Hafez al-Assad, Bashar's father, who ruled for 30 years from 1970 to his death in 2000. By all accounts, the debate about how to deal with the growing protests has led to increasingly violent confrontations inside the regime between would-be reformers and hard-liners. The outcome of this internal contest remains uncertain.
What is certain, however, is that what happens in Syria is of great concern to the whole region. Together with its two principal allies, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Lebanese Shiite resistance movement Hezbollah, Syria is viewed with great hostility by Israel and with wary suspicion by the United States. The Tehran-Damascus-Hezbollah axis -- of which Syria is the linchpin -- has long been seen by many leaders in the region as the lone bulwark against Israeli and American hegemony. With backing from Washington, Israel has sought to smash Hezbollah (notably through its 2006 invasion of Lebanon) and detach Syria from Iran, a country Israel views as its most dangerous regional rival. Neither objective has so far been realized. But now that Syria has been weakened by internal problems, the viability of the entire axis is in danger -- which could encourage dangerous risk-taking behavior by its allies as they seek to counter perceived gains by the United States and Israel.
Cheered by his jubilant supporters, he charged that Hezbollah's weapons were not so much a threat to Israel as to Lebanon's own freedom, independence, and sovereignty -- at the hand of a foreign power, namely Iran. The Syrian uprisings may have already deepened the sectarian divide in Lebanon, raising once more the specter of civil war and making more difficult the task of forming a new government, a job President Michel Suleiman has entrusted to the Tripoli notable, Najib Mikati. If Syria were overrun with internal strife, Hezbollah would be deprived of a valuable ally -- no doubt to Israel's great satisfaction.
Meanwhile, Turkey is deeply concerned by the Syrian disturbances: Damascus has been the cornerstone of Ankara's ambitious Arab policy. Turkey-Syria relations have flourished in recent years as Turkey-Israel relations have grown cold. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, have actively sought to mediate local conflicts and bring much-needed stability to the region by forging close economic links. One of their bold projects is the creation of an economic bloc comprising Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan -- already something of a reality by the removal of visa requirements as well as by an injection of Turkish investment and technological know-how. A power struggle in Syria could set back this project; and regime change in Damascus would likely put a serious dent in further Turkish initiatives.
On all these fronts -- Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel -- Syria is a key player. But its internal problems now threaten to reshuffle the cards, adding to the general sense of insecurity and latent violence in the region. And of all the threats facing the Middle East, perhaps the greatest -- greater even than of another Arab-Israeli clash -- is that of rampant sectarianism, poisoning relationships between and within states, and breeding hate, intolerance, and mistrust.
Meanwhile, Washington seems at a loss as to how to respond to the growing unrest in Syria. In tempered language, the administration has condemned the use of violence against civilians and encouraged political reform. But the undertones are evident: Stability in Syria may still preferable to yet another experiment in Arab governance. Assad will need to act quickly and decisively -- and one hopes not harshly -- to quell the rising current of dissent. Indeed, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton seemed to offer the regime some modest support this weekend, noting that she believed Bashar to be a "reformer." But reform has never been a primary goal of the Assad clan, which has long favored stability over change.
This edifice may now be crumbling, and the United States would be wise to spend a little less time thinking about Libya and a little more time thinking about a state that truly has implications on U.S. national interests. If things go south in Syria, blood-thirsty sectarian demons risk being unleashed, and the entire region could be consumed in an orgy of violence.
If the regime fails to tame this domestic unrest, Syria's external influence will inevitably be enfeebled, with dramatic repercussions across the Middle East. As the crisis deepens, Syria's allies tremble. Meanwhile, its enemies rejoice, as a weakened Syria would remove an obstacle to their ambitions. But nature abhors a vacuum, and what will come will be unpredictable, at best.
Damascus blamed Israeli provocateurs, rebel forces, and shady foreign agents for the bloodshed -- anyone but its own forces. Civilian deaths at the hands of security forces there, and more recently in the coastal city of Latakia, have outraged opinion across the country, setting alight long pent-up anger at the denial of basic freedoms, the monopolistic rule of the Baath party, and the abuses of a privileged elite. To these ills should be added severe youth unemployment, devastation of the countryside by a grave shortage of rainfall over the past four years, and the impoverishment of the middle and lower classes by low wages and high inflation.
The protesters have in fact challenged the fundamentals of Syria's security state, a harsh system of controls over every aspect of society, put in place by the late Hafez al-Assad, Bashar's father, who ruled for 30 years from 1970 to his death in 2000. By all accounts, the debate about how to deal with the growing protests has led to increasingly violent confrontations inside the regime between would-be reformers and hard-liners. The outcome of this internal contest remains uncertain.
What is certain, however, is that what happens in Syria is of great concern to the whole region. Together with its two principal allies, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Lebanese Shiite resistance movement Hezbollah, Syria is viewed with great hostility by Israel and with wary suspicion by the United States. The Tehran-Damascus-Hezbollah axis -- of which Syria is the linchpin -- has long been seen by many leaders in the region as the lone bulwark against Israeli and American hegemony. With backing from Washington, Israel has sought to smash Hezbollah (notably through its 2006 invasion of Lebanon) and detach Syria from Iran, a country Israel views as its most dangerous regional rival. Neither objective has so far been realized. But now that Syria has been weakened by internal problems, the viability of the entire axis is in danger -- which could encourage dangerous risk-taking behavior by its allies as they seek to counter perceived gains by the United States and Israel.
Cheered by his jubilant supporters, he charged that Hezbollah's weapons were not so much a threat to Israel as to Lebanon's own freedom, independence, and sovereignty -- at the hand of a foreign power, namely Iran. The Syrian uprisings may have already deepened the sectarian divide in Lebanon, raising once more the specter of civil war and making more difficult the task of forming a new government, a job President Michel Suleiman has entrusted to the Tripoli notable, Najib Mikati. If Syria were overrun with internal strife, Hezbollah would be deprived of a valuable ally -- no doubt to Israel's great satisfaction.
Meanwhile, Turkey is deeply concerned by the Syrian disturbances: Damascus has been the cornerstone of Ankara's ambitious Arab policy. Turkey-Syria relations have flourished in recent years as Turkey-Israel relations have grown cold. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, have actively sought to mediate local conflicts and bring much-needed stability to the region by forging close economic links. One of their bold projects is the creation of an economic bloc comprising Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan -- already something of a reality by the removal of visa requirements as well as by an injection of Turkish investment and technological know-how. A power struggle in Syria could set back this project; and regime change in Damascus would likely put a serious dent in further Turkish initiatives.
On all these fronts -- Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel -- Syria is a key player. But its internal problems now threaten to reshuffle the cards, adding to the general sense of insecurity and latent violence in the region. And of all the threats facing the Middle East, perhaps the greatest -- greater even than of another Arab-Israeli clash -- is that of rampant sectarianism, poisoning relationships between and within states, and breeding hate, intolerance, and mistrust.
Meanwhile, Washington seems at a loss as to how to respond to the growing unrest in Syria. In tempered language, the administration has condemned the use of violence against civilians and encouraged political reform. But the undertones are evident: Stability in Syria may still preferable to yet another experiment in Arab governance. Assad will need to act quickly and decisively -- and one hopes not harshly -- to quell the rising current of dissent. Indeed, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton seemed to offer the regime some modest support this weekend, noting that she believed Bashar to be a "reformer." But reform has never been a primary goal of the Assad clan, which has long favored stability over change.
This edifice may now be crumbling, and the United States would be wise to spend a little less time thinking about Libya and a little more time thinking about a state that truly has implications on U.S. national interests. If things go south in Syria, blood-thirsty sectarian demons risk being unleashed, and the entire region could be consumed in an orgy of violence.
Mon album de famille, par Mouammar Kadhafiالبوم صور عائلة القذافي
Les hypocrites ! Ils disent tous que j’ ai toujours été leur ennemi. Aucun ne se souvient de m’avoir connu et fréquenté. Et pourtant…
المنافقون! يقولون انهم اعدائي. ولا احد تعامل معي. مع ان هذه الصور تثبت نفاق جميع اصدقائي الاعزاء
Charlotte Lebouvier : Gandhi homosexuel … et xénophobe ?
C’est la polémique qui enfle ces jours-ci, après la sortie du livre : "Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and his struggle with India" (Une grande âme: Mahatma Gandhi et sa lutte en Inde) de l’américain Joseph Lelyveld, ancien journaliste en Inde et pour le New York Times, et gagnant du prix Pulitzer de journalisme en 1986.
Le Mahatma aurait été très amoureux d’un architecte allemand nommé Hermann Kallenbach, qui selon l'Histoire, n'était pas plus qu"un ami très proche.
Dans des lettres récupérées par Lelyveld, Gandhi lui aurait écrit « comment tu as totalement pris possession de ma personne. », « tu es toujours dans mes pensées » (en 1933) et entre autre, que la vaseline lui rappelait son ami et que l’unique photo qui trônait sur sa cheminée était la sienne.
Gandhi aurait quitté sa femme pour vivre son histoire d’amour en 1908, alors en Afrique du Sud. Le couple se séparera en 1914, au début de la première guerre mondiale, Kallenbach ne pouvant quitter l’Allemagne pour rejoindre Gandhi retourné en Inde.
Enfin, le journaliste révèle dans son livre que Gandhi avait un grand contrôle de la presse et des medias et qu’il refusait que les mots sortis de sa bouche soient diffusés sans son autorisation… De quoi se retourner dans sa tombe…
Dans des lettres récupérées par Lelyveld, Gandhi lui aurait écrit « comment tu as totalement pris possession de ma personne. », « tu es toujours dans mes pensées » (en 1933) et entre autre, que la vaseline lui rappelait son ami et que l’unique photo qui trônait sur sa cheminée était la sienne.
Gandhi aurait quitté sa femme pour vivre son histoire d’amour en 1908, alors en Afrique du Sud. Le couple se séparera en 1914, au début de la première guerre mondiale, Kallenbach ne pouvant quitter l’Allemagne pour rejoindre Gandhi retourné en Inde.
Enfin, le journaliste révèle dans son livre que Gandhi avait un grand contrôle de la presse et des medias et qu’il refusait que les mots sortis de sa bouche soient diffusés sans son autorisation… De quoi se retourner dans sa tombe…
Ce que l'on sait de l'opposition libyenne : Francois Lenoir
http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/ce-que-l-on-sait-de-l-opposition-libyenne_977111.html#xtor=AL-447
Le 5 mars, le Conseil national de transition, qui s'est déclaré "seul représentant de la Libye", a désigné Mahmoud Jibril à la tête d'une "équipe exécutive pour gérer la crise". Ali Abdelaziz al-Issaoui (à droite), ambassadeur démissionnaire de Libye en Inde et ancien ministre de l'Economie, s'est vu confier les Affaires étrangères.
Qui sont les rebelles lybiens et qui compose le Conseil national de transition qui fait office de gouvernement des insurgés. LEXPRESS.fr fait le point.
Dans la Libye de Kadhafi, à la différence de la Tunisie et de l'Egypte, il n'y avait aucune place pour les partis politiques, les syndicats, les médias indépendants et la société civile était quasiment inexistante. Ce vide politique rend difficile l'émergence de futurs dirigeants au sein de l'opposition.
Le Conseil national de transition (CNT), composé de 31 représentants des principales villes libyennes, sert de gouvernement de fait à l'opposition libyenne depuis le début du soulèment. La création d'un "Conseil national indépendant" de transition basé à Benghazi, représentant les villes tombées aux mains de l'insurrection, a été annoncée le 27 février. Le nom de certains des représentants d'Ajdabiya, Al Kufrah, Ghat, Nalut, Misrata, Zentan and Zawiya n'a pas été révélé pour des raisons de sécurité. Pour le moment, il n'y a pas de représentant pour le centre et le sud de la Libye ni pour Tripoli. Selon Ali Zeidan, chargé de mission du CNT, de passage à Paris, le 22 mars, ses membres "sont principalement des avocats, des professeurs, des universitaires".
Qui sont les rebelles lybiens et qui compose le Conseil national de transition qui fait office de gouvernement des insurgés. LEXPRESS.fr fait le point.
Dans la Libye de Kadhafi, à la différence de la Tunisie et de l'Egypte, il n'y avait aucune place pour les partis politiques, les syndicats, les médias indépendants et la société civile était quasiment inexistante. Ce vide politique rend difficile l'émergence de futurs dirigeants au sein de l'opposition.
Le Conseil national de transition (CNT), composé de 31 représentants des principales villes libyennes, sert de gouvernement de fait à l'opposition libyenne depuis le début du soulèment. La création d'un "Conseil national indépendant" de transition basé à Benghazi, représentant les villes tombées aux mains de l'insurrection, a été annoncée le 27 février. Le nom de certains des représentants d'Ajdabiya, Al Kufrah, Ghat, Nalut, Misrata, Zentan and Zawiya n'a pas été révélé pour des raisons de sécurité. Pour le moment, il n'y a pas de représentant pour le centre et le sud de la Libye ni pour Tripoli. Selon Ali Zeidan, chargé de mission du CNT, de passage à Paris, le 22 mars, ses membres "sont principalement des avocats, des professeurs, des universitaires".
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