Wednesday, March 9, 2011
Foreign Policy - Rashid Khalidi: Reflections on the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt
The importance of Al Jazeera in particular has been misunderstood. In the early days of satellite television it was certainly crucial in breaking the monopoly of the state broadcasting systems, and in introducing competition which forced even the Saudi-owned Al Arabiya and other stations to cover a great deal of news simply to avoid losing viewers. During the uprising in Tunisia and later during the Egyptian events, Al Jazeera riveted viewers all over the Arab world and in the Arab diaspora. But the insidious Islamist bent of its coverage is not reflective either of the protests themselves or of a large segment of its viewership. This bent was noticeable in its constant favoritism towards Hamas in covering Palestinian events, and during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions in its intensive coverage of the return to Tunis of the Tunisian Islamist Rashed al-Ghannouchi, or the prominence it has given to Egyptian Islamists in the wake of the fall of the Mubarak regime. Similarly, Al Jazeera highlighted the participation in the Algiers demonstration of February 13 of a leading Algerian Islamist, Ali Belhadj, but not the fact that many in the crowd called him an assassin. The point is that Al Jazeera is followed by Arab viewers for its gripping and often daring news footage, but not necessarily in the political line its executives push.
http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/02/24/reflections_on_the_revolutions_in_tunisia_and_egypt
http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/02/24/reflections_on_the_revolutions_in_tunisia_and_egypt
The Nation - Rashid Khalidi: The Arab Spring
Suddenly, to be an Arab has become a good thing. People all over the Arab world feel a sense of pride in shaking off decades of cowed passivity under dictatorships that ruled with no deference to popular wishes. And it has become respectable in the West as well. Egypt is now thought of as an exciting and progressive place; its people’s expressions of solidarity are welcomed by demonstrators in Madison, Wisconsin; and its bright young activists are seen as models for a new kind of twenty-first-century mobilization. Events in the Arab world are being covered by the Western media more extensively than ever before and are being talked about positively in a fashion that is unprecedented. Before, when anything Muslim or Middle Eastern or Arab was reported on, it was almost always with a heavy negative connotation. Now, during this Arab spring, this has ceased to be the case. An area that was a byword for political stagnation is witnessing a rapid transformation that has caught the attention of the world.
Three things should be said about this sea change in perceptions about Arabs, Muslims and Middle Easterners. The first is that it shows how superficial, and how false, were most Western media images of this region. Virtually all we heard about were the ubiquitous terrorists, the omnipresent bearded radicals and their veiled companions trying to impose Sharia and the corrupt, brutal despots who were the only option for control of such undesirables. In US government-speak, faithfully repeated by the mainstream media, most of that corruption and brutality was airbrushed out through the use of mendacious terms like “moderates” (i.e., those who do and say what we want). That locution, and the one used to denigrate the people of the region, “the Arab street,” should now be permanently retired.
The second feature of this shift in perceptions is that it is very fragile. Even if all the Arab despots are overthrown, there is an enormous investment in the “us versus them” view of the region. This includes not only entire bureaucratic empires engaged in fighting the “war on terror,” not only the industries that supply this war and the battalions of contractors and consultants so generously rewarded for their services in it; it also includes a large ideological archipelago of faux expertise, with vast shoals of “terrorologists” deeply committed to propagating this caricature of the Middle East. These talking heads who pass for experts have ceaselessly affirmed that terrorists and Islamists are the only thing to look for or see. They are the ones who systematically taught Americans not to see the real Arab world: the unions, those with a commitment to the rule of law, the tech-savvy young people, the feminists, the artists and intellectuals, those with a reasonable knowledge of Western culture and values, the ordinary people who simply want decent opportunities and a voice in how they are governed. The “experts” taught us instead that this was a fanatical people, a people without dignity, a people that deserved its terrible American-supported rulers. Those with power and influence who hold these borderline-racist views are not going to change them quickly, if at all: for proof, one needs only a brief exposure to the sewer that is Fox News.
Third, things could easily and very quickly change for the worse in the Arab world, and that could rapidly erode these tender new perceptions. Nothing has yet been resolved in any Arab country, not even in Tunisia or Egypt, where the despots are gone but a real transformation has barely begun. This is true even though both countries possess many of the prerequisites for a constitutional government, a mature democracy, economic progress and social justice—like a strong civil society, a history of labor organization, many highly educated people and some strong institutions. And despite the bravery of those who have been beaten, tear-gassed and shot while demanding change, even less has been transformed in other Arab countries. All of it could turn sour, whether through civil war in Libya or Yemen, paralysis in Tunisia and Egypt, or endless fruitless contestation with those in power in Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Oman, Iraq and elsewhere.
As people in the West learn more about this crucially important part of the world, there are a few more truths that should be transmitted. One is that this is not a region that is uniquely unsuited to democracy, or has no constitutional traditions or has always suffered under autocratic rulers. The Middle East has certainly suffered recently under a string of appalling regimes. But this is also a region where debates over how to limit the power of rulers led to sustained constitutional effervescence in Tunisia and Egypt in the late 1870s and to the establishment of a Constitution in the Ottoman Empire in 1876. At that time the empire included not only today’s Turkey but most of the eastern Arab world, including Syria and Iraq. Later, in 1906, Iran established a constitutional regime. Later still, in the interwar period and afterward, the semi-independent and independent countries of the region were mainly governed by constitutional regimes. These were flawed experiments that faced massive obstacles in the form of entrenched interests, the autocratic proclivities of rulers, and massive illiteracy and poverty. Still, the failures to establish sustained constitutional and parliamentary regimes were not due solely to those factors. These governments were systematically undermined by the imperialist great powers, whose ambitions and interests were often obstructed by parliaments, nascent public opinion and a press that insisted on national sovereignty and a fair share of their own resources. From the European powers’ undermining of the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional governments in the first decades of the twentieth century, to America’s interference in Lebanon and Syria and overthrow of the Iranian government in the 1950s, the pattern was continually repeated. The Western powers not only gave little or no support to democratic rule in the Middle East; they often actively undermined it, preferring to deal with pliable autocrats who did their bidding. In other words, the pattern of Western support for easily manipulated dictatorial regimes is by no means a new one.
Much has been said in recent weeks about the potential of applying the “Turkish model” to the Arab world. In fact, Turkey and the Arab states came to their understanding of modernity—and with it of constitutions, democracy, and human, civil and political rights—through a shared late Ottoman past. This era, from the 1860s until 1918, shaped the understanding of these concepts for their peoples, although both Turkish and Arab nationalists have fiercely denied any Ottoman impact on their modern nation-states. Today Turkey does provide a model of how to reconcile a powerful military establishment with democracy, and a secular system with a religious orientation among much of the populace. It also serves as a model of economic success, of a workable cultural synthesis between East and West, and of how to exert influence on the world stage. In all these respects, it is perceived as a more attractive model than what is widely seen in the Arab world as a failed alternative: the thirty-two-year-old Iranian theocratic system.
The Arab states have a long way to go to undo the terrible legacy of repression and stagnation and move toward democracy, the rule of law, social justice and dignity, which have been the universal demands of their peoples during this Arab spring. The term “dignity” involves a dual demand: first, for the dignity of the individual in the face of rulers who treat their subjects as without rights and beneath contempt. But there is also a demand for the collective dignity of proud states like Egypt, and of the Arabs as a people. This was the demand that nationalist leaders rode to power starting in the 1950s, as they targeted colonialism and neocolonialism. After that generation’s failures, they were replaced by dictators who provided the “stability” so prized by the West—stability purchased at the price of the dignity of the individual and the collective. It is this humiliation, by repressive rulers and vis-à-vis the outside world, that demonstrators from Rabat to Manama seek to eliminate. So far they have focused almost entirely on the root causes of their problems, which are largely internal. There has been little or no emphasis on foreign policy, no visible anti-Western feeling and limited mention of Israel or Palestine.
There is great peril in ignoring this demand for collective dignity, whether it relates to the patronizing way the United States has long treated the region or the casual dismissal of the beliefs of most Arabs that justice has not been and is not being done to the Palestinians. If the people of the Arab world are fortunate in achieving democratic transitions, and can begin to confront the many deep problems their societies face, it is vital that a new Arab world, born of a struggle for freedom, social justice and dignity, be treated with the respect it deserves, and that for the first time in decades it is beginning to earn.
Three things should be said about this sea change in perceptions about Arabs, Muslims and Middle Easterners. The first is that it shows how superficial, and how false, were most Western media images of this region. Virtually all we heard about were the ubiquitous terrorists, the omnipresent bearded radicals and their veiled companions trying to impose Sharia and the corrupt, brutal despots who were the only option for control of such undesirables. In US government-speak, faithfully repeated by the mainstream media, most of that corruption and brutality was airbrushed out through the use of mendacious terms like “moderates” (i.e., those who do and say what we want). That locution, and the one used to denigrate the people of the region, “the Arab street,” should now be permanently retired.
The second feature of this shift in perceptions is that it is very fragile. Even if all the Arab despots are overthrown, there is an enormous investment in the “us versus them” view of the region. This includes not only entire bureaucratic empires engaged in fighting the “war on terror,” not only the industries that supply this war and the battalions of contractors and consultants so generously rewarded for their services in it; it also includes a large ideological archipelago of faux expertise, with vast shoals of “terrorologists” deeply committed to propagating this caricature of the Middle East. These talking heads who pass for experts have ceaselessly affirmed that terrorists and Islamists are the only thing to look for or see. They are the ones who systematically taught Americans not to see the real Arab world: the unions, those with a commitment to the rule of law, the tech-savvy young people, the feminists, the artists and intellectuals, those with a reasonable knowledge of Western culture and values, the ordinary people who simply want decent opportunities and a voice in how they are governed. The “experts” taught us instead that this was a fanatical people, a people without dignity, a people that deserved its terrible American-supported rulers. Those with power and influence who hold these borderline-racist views are not going to change them quickly, if at all: for proof, one needs only a brief exposure to the sewer that is Fox News.
Third, things could easily and very quickly change for the worse in the Arab world, and that could rapidly erode these tender new perceptions. Nothing has yet been resolved in any Arab country, not even in Tunisia or Egypt, where the despots are gone but a real transformation has barely begun. This is true even though both countries possess many of the prerequisites for a constitutional government, a mature democracy, economic progress and social justice—like a strong civil society, a history of labor organization, many highly educated people and some strong institutions. And despite the bravery of those who have been beaten, tear-gassed and shot while demanding change, even less has been transformed in other Arab countries. All of it could turn sour, whether through civil war in Libya or Yemen, paralysis in Tunisia and Egypt, or endless fruitless contestation with those in power in Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Oman, Iraq and elsewhere.
As people in the West learn more about this crucially important part of the world, there are a few more truths that should be transmitted. One is that this is not a region that is uniquely unsuited to democracy, or has no constitutional traditions or has always suffered under autocratic rulers. The Middle East has certainly suffered recently under a string of appalling regimes. But this is also a region where debates over how to limit the power of rulers led to sustained constitutional effervescence in Tunisia and Egypt in the late 1870s and to the establishment of a Constitution in the Ottoman Empire in 1876. At that time the empire included not only today’s Turkey but most of the eastern Arab world, including Syria and Iraq. Later, in 1906, Iran established a constitutional regime. Later still, in the interwar period and afterward, the semi-independent and independent countries of the region were mainly governed by constitutional regimes. These were flawed experiments that faced massive obstacles in the form of entrenched interests, the autocratic proclivities of rulers, and massive illiteracy and poverty. Still, the failures to establish sustained constitutional and parliamentary regimes were not due solely to those factors. These governments were systematically undermined by the imperialist great powers, whose ambitions and interests were often obstructed by parliaments, nascent public opinion and a press that insisted on national sovereignty and a fair share of their own resources. From the European powers’ undermining of the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional governments in the first decades of the twentieth century, to America’s interference in Lebanon and Syria and overthrow of the Iranian government in the 1950s, the pattern was continually repeated. The Western powers not only gave little or no support to democratic rule in the Middle East; they often actively undermined it, preferring to deal with pliable autocrats who did their bidding. In other words, the pattern of Western support for easily manipulated dictatorial regimes is by no means a new one.
Much has been said in recent weeks about the potential of applying the “Turkish model” to the Arab world. In fact, Turkey and the Arab states came to their understanding of modernity—and with it of constitutions, democracy, and human, civil and political rights—through a shared late Ottoman past. This era, from the 1860s until 1918, shaped the understanding of these concepts for their peoples, although both Turkish and Arab nationalists have fiercely denied any Ottoman impact on their modern nation-states. Today Turkey does provide a model of how to reconcile a powerful military establishment with democracy, and a secular system with a religious orientation among much of the populace. It also serves as a model of economic success, of a workable cultural synthesis between East and West, and of how to exert influence on the world stage. In all these respects, it is perceived as a more attractive model than what is widely seen in the Arab world as a failed alternative: the thirty-two-year-old Iranian theocratic system.
The Arab states have a long way to go to undo the terrible legacy of repression and stagnation and move toward democracy, the rule of law, social justice and dignity, which have been the universal demands of their peoples during this Arab spring. The term “dignity” involves a dual demand: first, for the dignity of the individual in the face of rulers who treat their subjects as without rights and beneath contempt. But there is also a demand for the collective dignity of proud states like Egypt, and of the Arabs as a people. This was the demand that nationalist leaders rode to power starting in the 1950s, as they targeted colonialism and neocolonialism. After that generation’s failures, they were replaced by dictators who provided the “stability” so prized by the West—stability purchased at the price of the dignity of the individual and the collective. It is this humiliation, by repressive rulers and vis-à-vis the outside world, that demonstrators from Rabat to Manama seek to eliminate. So far they have focused almost entirely on the root causes of their problems, which are largely internal. There has been little or no emphasis on foreign policy, no visible anti-Western feeling and limited mention of Israel or Palestine.
There is great peril in ignoring this demand for collective dignity, whether it relates to the patronizing way the United States has long treated the region or the casual dismissal of the beliefs of most Arabs that justice has not been and is not being done to the Palestinians. If the people of the Arab world are fortunate in achieving democratic transitions, and can begin to confront the many deep problems their societies face, it is vital that a new Arab world, born of a struggle for freedom, social justice and dignity, be treated with the respect it deserves, and that for the first time in decades it is beginning to earn.
سوريا تشجع على ارتكاب انتهاكات لحقوق الانسان، والاعتقالات التعسفية من قبل الاجهزة الامنية السورية دون مذكرات اعتقال والكشف عن امكنة اعتقالهم
جاء في تقرير هيومن رايتس ووتش عن حالة حقوق الإنسان في سوريا خلال السنوات العشر الأخيرة والصادر أواسط العام 2010 قائمة بها تفاصيل اعتقال 92 ناشطا سياسيا، وتؤكد المنظمة إنها ليست قائمة شاملة
ومن بين المعتقلين أعضاء سابقين في البرلمان، ومنهم مأمون الحمصي الذي حكم بالسجن خمس سنوات، ورياض سيف الذي حكم بالسجن لخمس سنوات، إضافة إلى الأمين العام السابق للحزب الشيوعي رياض الترك الذي حكم بسنتين ونصف السنة, ورئيس المنظمة العربية لحقوق الإنسان محمد رعدون الذي مكث بالسجن عدة شهور.
صرح هيثم المالح الذي أطلق سراحه بعفو رئاسي الثلاثاء للجزيرة
ان محكمة أمن الدولة العليا حكمت بالسجن على عشرات من الناشطين السياسيين الأكراد، العديد منهم أعضاء بحزب الاتحاد الديمقراطي المرتبط بحزب العمال الكردستاني، مشيرا إلى أن الاعتقالات شملت كذلك مدوني شبكة الإنترنت ومنهم المدونة طل الملوحي والمدون كريم عربجي.
وأفادت منظمة الكرامة الحقوقية أن سوريا شهدت العديد من حالات الاختفاء القسري لناشطين من بينهم عدنان قاسم زيتون المختفي منذ أكثر من 14 عاماً بعد اعتقاله وايضا وخالد محمد المصري الذي اعتقل يوم 13 أكتوبر/تشرين الثاني 2010 بعد استدعائه من قبل جهاز أمن الدولة في طرطوس.
منظمة "ماد" الحقوقية الكردية صرحت ان العاصمة السورية شهدت خلال شهر شباط 2010 حملة اعتقالات في صفوف مؤيدي وأنصار حزب الاتحاد الديمقراطي وتنظيم اتحاد "ستار" النسائي في دمشق، وذكرت خمسة من المعتقلين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 17 و45 عاما.
واستشهدت منظمة هيومن رايت ووتش بعدة حالات اعتقال وأحكام, تعرض لها عدد من المشتبه في انتمائهم إلى الإسلاميين أو من مؤيدي جماعة الإخوان المسلمين المحظورة، للاعتقال لفترات طويلة ولمحاكمات جائرة، كان معظمها أمام محكمة أمن الدولة العليا.
السلطات السورية، أفرجت عن المحامي هيثم المالح (80 عاما) بعد عفو عام أصدره الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد، حيث كان يقضي عقوبة بالسجن لثلاث سنوات بتهمة نشر معلومات مضللة، بحسب لائحة الاتهامات الحكومية.
Pepe Escobar : Fly me a Tuareg on time
One of his Ukrainian nurses, Oksana, now says that Gaddafi is a "great psychologist". He's a fine sociologist as well, because he has noted - and immensely profited from - the fact that there are no real nation-states in the Sahel-Sahara, from a sociological, political and juridical point of view. Blaming the Tuaregs is not the point. Both Algeria and Libya have done nothing to at least repair the ravages of colonialism - which has scattered nomadic Tuaregs among four countries. Algeria always benefited from - and repressed - Tuareg fragmentation. As for the African king of kings, he can always count on his nomadic reserve army.
In the standoff - not civil war - between state power in Tripoli and a tribal-based parallel government plus "irregular militias", identifying key players in Libya gets increasingly murky. It's a long (1,000 kilometer), windy, desert road from Benghazi to Tripoli, or from uprising to victory, with a crucial midway stop in Sirte - Muammar Gaddafi's Tikrit (Saddam Hussein's home town) - until something emerges out of the final battle in a Tripoli encircled by a ring of steel. There's no evidence Gaddafi is about to embrace the daring, brand new Barack Obama administration Middle East strategy of "regime alteration".
Let's try to survey the battlefield. As much as tribes in Cyrenaica - eastern Libya - were always his number one strategic nightmare, Gaddafi's notorious co-option of tribal leaders is now history.
He still can count on some western and southern tribes, including his own and Magariha, the tribe of Lockerbie bomber Abdelbeset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi. But most - but not all - tribes remain against the bunker (see The tribes against the bunker Asia Times Online, February 25), including the top one, Warfallah (influential in the army), plus Zawiya (based in the oil-rich east), Bani Walid (they stopped collaborating with the security services), and Zintan (formerly allied with Gaddafi's own tribe).
If - or when - Gaddafi falls, Libya's provisional government will almost certainly be a mix of tribal leaders, with once again the more developed Tripolitania clashing with neglected Cyrenaica (one can't forget that Gaddafi's "modernizer" son Saif al-Islam blamed the uprising on tribal factions). Libyan tribes indeed have fought each other for centuries - much like in Afghanistan; but now the difference is that most are united against the common king of kings enemy.
The battle of Algiers
The military in Algeria is in dire need of pacemakers to keep up with events in Libya. No wonder; if Gaddafi falls, Algeria may be next (it's placed ninth in The Economist's shoe-thrower index - which aims to predict where the scent of Jasmine may spread next - ahead of already fallen Tunisia). Both are oil/gas powers - a wealth that does not trickle down to their increasingly desperate populations.
Rumors abound of Algeria being one of the only governments in the world practically supporting Gaddafi (Serbia is a different case; it's silent because of an array of juicy of military and construction contracts). So far the closest instance of Algiers directly helping Tripoli has been provided by the exiled human right group Algeria Watch, which insists Algiers has facilitated the air link for mercenaries from Niger and Chad to reach Libya (see here). Algeria had done the same thing before - transporting troops to Somalia to help a US-backed puppet government fight rebel ''terrorist'' Somali tribes.
What's creepier, but still unconfirmed, is that one Colonel Djamel Bouzghaia - the "war on terror"-minded key security adviser to Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika - may be the designated smuggler of deposed Tunisian president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's private security forces and Republican Guard to, where else, Libya. Among these nasty types are the snipers who killed Tunisian demonstrators in three different cities, and may now be killing Libyan civilians.
Tuaregs to the rescue
If Gaddafi can count on Tunisian snipers for his dirty work, what to say about the nomadic Tuaregs from the Sahel?
Historically, Gaddafi always wreaked havoc among his neighbors - and Tuaregs were always instrumentalized by his megalomaniac strategy of carving out a Grand Sahara nation around Libya. He could not but profit from Tuareg secession dreams.
Ten years ago, on the road in Timbuktu in Mali, Tuareg friends provided me a crash course on Tuareg rebellions and the secession movement. In the early 1970s, many Tuaregs enlisted in Gaddafi's Islamic Legion - an outfit that would in thesis fight for a unified Islamic state in northern Africa. At the time there was absolutely nowhere else to go in a drought-stricken Sahel-Sahara. The legion lasted till the late 1980s, and then dissolved.
Gaddafi also propped up Tuareg rebellions, especially in Mali and Niger. He paid for installations in Timbuktu, Gao and Kidal in Mali, opened a consulate in Kidal, and turned on the petrodollar charm. Tuaregs from north Mali simply abhor the central government in Bamako. The nomadic Tuaregs obviously don't trust any form of central government; essentially what they want is autonomy, or at least more investment in sanitation, health and education in the towns and desert villages they live.
Bamako and the Tuareg rebellion finally signed an agreement in July 2006, under Algerian mediation, leading in theory to peace and development in the Kidal region. The rebellion officially laid down their weapons in February 2009. Only one of the rebel leaders, Ibrahim Ag Bahanga, did not agree with the whole set up. He is exiled in Libya.
There are Tuaregs living in the southwest Libyan desert. But Bamako is now spinning that at least 800 Tuaregs from Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Algeria have already joined Gaddafi's forces; how to resist an offer of $10,000 in cash to join, plus a $1,000 day-rate to fight, when you are a young, unemployed Tuareg?
The difference now is that Gaddafi seems to be creating not only a secession between the Tuaregs and the countries they live, but a secession inside the Tuareg communities themselves - especially in Mali, Niger and Chad. Some Tuaregs already worked for him in Libya for years; some have been members of the Libyan armed forces, with Libyan nationality; as for the new ones, they are being recruited by the force of the petrodollar - to the despair of many Tuareg communities.
That's' exactly what Abdou Sallam Ag Assalat, the president of the regional assembly in Kidal, told Agence France-Presse, "These young people are going en masse to Libya ... the regional authorities are trying to dissuade them, particularly former rebels, but it's not easy because for them there are the dollars, and weapons to be recovered ... One day they will be back with the same weapons to destabilize the Sahel."
The Tuaregs leave from north Mali, cross to southern Algeria and then cross to southern Libya; it's a grueling 48-hour trip, usually in convoys. Of course these desert "borders" are mirages. The operation, according to Algerian media, is organized by a former rebel Tuareg leader from Mali, now in Libya; he could well be Ibrahim Ag Bahanga. And if there's an air link involved - either from Algeria or from Chad - that's where the Tuaregs meet the Algerian security facilitators.
In the standoff - not civil war - between state power in Tripoli and a tribal-based parallel government plus "irregular militias", identifying key players in Libya gets increasingly murky. It's a long (1,000 kilometer), windy, desert road from Benghazi to Tripoli, or from uprising to victory, with a crucial midway stop in Sirte - Muammar Gaddafi's Tikrit (Saddam Hussein's home town) - until something emerges out of the final battle in a Tripoli encircled by a ring of steel. There's no evidence Gaddafi is about to embrace the daring, brand new Barack Obama administration Middle East strategy of "regime alteration".
Let's try to survey the battlefield. As much as tribes in Cyrenaica - eastern Libya - were always his number one strategic nightmare, Gaddafi's notorious co-option of tribal leaders is now history.
He still can count on some western and southern tribes, including his own and Magariha, the tribe of Lockerbie bomber Abdelbeset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi. But most - but not all - tribes remain against the bunker (see The tribes against the bunker Asia Times Online, February 25), including the top one, Warfallah (influential in the army), plus Zawiya (based in the oil-rich east), Bani Walid (they stopped collaborating with the security services), and Zintan (formerly allied with Gaddafi's own tribe).
If - or when - Gaddafi falls, Libya's provisional government will almost certainly be a mix of tribal leaders, with once again the more developed Tripolitania clashing with neglected Cyrenaica (one can't forget that Gaddafi's "modernizer" son Saif al-Islam blamed the uprising on tribal factions). Libyan tribes indeed have fought each other for centuries - much like in Afghanistan; but now the difference is that most are united against the common king of kings enemy.
The battle of Algiers
The military in Algeria is in dire need of pacemakers to keep up with events in Libya. No wonder; if Gaddafi falls, Algeria may be next (it's placed ninth in The Economist's shoe-thrower index - which aims to predict where the scent of Jasmine may spread next - ahead of already fallen Tunisia). Both are oil/gas powers - a wealth that does not trickle down to their increasingly desperate populations.
Rumors abound of Algeria being one of the only governments in the world practically supporting Gaddafi (Serbia is a different case; it's silent because of an array of juicy of military and construction contracts). So far the closest instance of Algiers directly helping Tripoli has been provided by the exiled human right group Algeria Watch, which insists Algiers has facilitated the air link for mercenaries from Niger and Chad to reach Libya (see here). Algeria had done the same thing before - transporting troops to Somalia to help a US-backed puppet government fight rebel ''terrorist'' Somali tribes.
What's creepier, but still unconfirmed, is that one Colonel Djamel Bouzghaia - the "war on terror"-minded key security adviser to Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika - may be the designated smuggler of deposed Tunisian president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's private security forces and Republican Guard to, where else, Libya. Among these nasty types are the snipers who killed Tunisian demonstrators in three different cities, and may now be killing Libyan civilians.
Tuaregs to the rescue
If Gaddafi can count on Tunisian snipers for his dirty work, what to say about the nomadic Tuaregs from the Sahel?
Historically, Gaddafi always wreaked havoc among his neighbors - and Tuaregs were always instrumentalized by his megalomaniac strategy of carving out a Grand Sahara nation around Libya. He could not but profit from Tuareg secession dreams.
Ten years ago, on the road in Timbuktu in Mali, Tuareg friends provided me a crash course on Tuareg rebellions and the secession movement. In the early 1970s, many Tuaregs enlisted in Gaddafi's Islamic Legion - an outfit that would in thesis fight for a unified Islamic state in northern Africa. At the time there was absolutely nowhere else to go in a drought-stricken Sahel-Sahara. The legion lasted till the late 1980s, and then dissolved.
Gaddafi also propped up Tuareg rebellions, especially in Mali and Niger. He paid for installations in Timbuktu, Gao and Kidal in Mali, opened a consulate in Kidal, and turned on the petrodollar charm. Tuaregs from north Mali simply abhor the central government in Bamako. The nomadic Tuaregs obviously don't trust any form of central government; essentially what they want is autonomy, or at least more investment in sanitation, health and education in the towns and desert villages they live.
Bamako and the Tuareg rebellion finally signed an agreement in July 2006, under Algerian mediation, leading in theory to peace and development in the Kidal region. The rebellion officially laid down their weapons in February 2009. Only one of the rebel leaders, Ibrahim Ag Bahanga, did not agree with the whole set up. He is exiled in Libya.
There are Tuaregs living in the southwest Libyan desert. But Bamako is now spinning that at least 800 Tuaregs from Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Algeria have already joined Gaddafi's forces; how to resist an offer of $10,000 in cash to join, plus a $1,000 day-rate to fight, when you are a young, unemployed Tuareg?
The difference now is that Gaddafi seems to be creating not only a secession between the Tuaregs and the countries they live, but a secession inside the Tuareg communities themselves - especially in Mali, Niger and Chad. Some Tuaregs already worked for him in Libya for years; some have been members of the Libyan armed forces, with Libyan nationality; as for the new ones, they are being recruited by the force of the petrodollar - to the despair of many Tuareg communities.
That's' exactly what Abdou Sallam Ag Assalat, the president of the regional assembly in Kidal, told Agence France-Presse, "These young people are going en masse to Libya ... the regional authorities are trying to dissuade them, particularly former rebels, but it's not easy because for them there are the dollars, and weapons to be recovered ... One day they will be back with the same weapons to destabilize the Sahel."
The Tuaregs leave from north Mali, cross to southern Algeria and then cross to southern Libya; it's a grueling 48-hour trip, usually in convoys. Of course these desert "borders" are mirages. The operation, according to Algerian media, is organized by a former rebel Tuareg leader from Mali, now in Libya; he could well be Ibrahim Ag Bahanga. And if there's an air link involved - either from Algeria or from Chad - that's where the Tuaregs meet the Algerian security facilitators.
NY Review of Books - Nicolas Pelham :Zero Hour in Benghazi
Two and a half weeks after shrugging off Colonel Qaddafi’s dictatorship, the rebels are continuing their carnival outside the courthouse in Benghazi, the city on Libya’s east coast where they have made their headquarters. Roaring crowds taunt Qaddafi to send his planes and tanks, and promise to brave them as they did his anti-aircraft guns. Mannequins with military boots swing from lampposts, enacting the colonel’s hanging. Cartoon graffiti of him as Abu Shafshufa—literally “father of the fuzzy hair”—cover the surrounding walls. And in cafes broadcasting Arabic news, Qaddafi’s appearance triggers cries of zanga, zanga, or dead-end.
Western civil rights movements had Jim Morrison’s “Five to One”: “The old get the old and the young get stronger. They’ve got the guns, but we’ve got the numbers. Gonna win, yeah we’re takin’ over. Your ballroom days are over, baby.” Benghazi’s version is Adil Mshaitil, a 37-year-old Islamist doctor and former inmate of Qaddafi’s jails studying in London whose recordings have likewise become anthems for the Libyan uprising. “We’ll stay here until our pain disappears,” sings his voice—pure, pietist, and unaccompanied—against the backdrop of hooting and gunfire. “We will come alive and sweetly sing. Despite all the vengeance, we will reach the summit and scream to the heavens. We’ll stand together with balm and a pen.”
Volunteers have replaced the authoritarian government. Stalls have sprouted across the forecourt of the rebel headquarters, serving free cups of macchiato, the ubiquitous legacy of Italy’s colonialism. Nine-year-old boys patrol the crawling traffic, cautioning drivers to buckle their seatbelts. Their brothers guard the central bank, and mow the lawns. Salim Faitouri, an oil engineer until the uprising began, has been supervising a catering operation that prepares hot meals for demonstrators and Benghazi’s poor.
The rebels’ euphoria waxes and wanes with news from the violent front—now about halfway between Benghazi and the Libyan capital Tripoli to the west—and their own efforts to forge a new governing authority. Thanks to his brutality, Colonel Qaddafi has successfully turned the democracy uprising into a war in which, while the rebels have higher morale, he has the most money and arms. By killing many times more people than died in Egypt’s uprising—in a population less than a tenth the size—he has slowed the rebellion, something that neither Tunisia’s nor Egypt’s erstwhile leaders could achieve.
But unlike the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, the revolt in Benghazi and across eastern Libya is fully fledged. Qaddafi’s revolutionary committees, people’s congresses, and security apparatus have disbanded, offering no interim stopgap. Even transitional institutions have to be built from scratch, by a population that for forty years has been severed from governing norms, and before that took lessons from Italian fascism.
Western civil rights movements had Jim Morrison’s “Five to One”: “The old get the old and the young get stronger. They’ve got the guns, but we’ve got the numbers. Gonna win, yeah we’re takin’ over. Your ballroom days are over, baby.” Benghazi’s version is Adil Mshaitil, a 37-year-old Islamist doctor and former inmate of Qaddafi’s jails studying in London whose recordings have likewise become anthems for the Libyan uprising. “We’ll stay here until our pain disappears,” sings his voice—pure, pietist, and unaccompanied—against the backdrop of hooting and gunfire. “We will come alive and sweetly sing. Despite all the vengeance, we will reach the summit and scream to the heavens. We’ll stand together with balm and a pen.”
Volunteers have replaced the authoritarian government. Stalls have sprouted across the forecourt of the rebel headquarters, serving free cups of macchiato, the ubiquitous legacy of Italy’s colonialism. Nine-year-old boys patrol the crawling traffic, cautioning drivers to buckle their seatbelts. Their brothers guard the central bank, and mow the lawns. Salim Faitouri, an oil engineer until the uprising began, has been supervising a catering operation that prepares hot meals for demonstrators and Benghazi’s poor.
The rebels’ euphoria waxes and wanes with news from the violent front—now about halfway between Benghazi and the Libyan capital Tripoli to the west—and their own efforts to forge a new governing authority. Thanks to his brutality, Colonel Qaddafi has successfully turned the democracy uprising into a war in which, while the rebels have higher morale, he has the most money and arms. By killing many times more people than died in Egypt’s uprising—in a population less than a tenth the size—he has slowed the rebellion, something that neither Tunisia’s nor Egypt’s erstwhile leaders could achieve.
But unlike the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, the revolt in Benghazi and across eastern Libya is fully fledged. Qaddafi’s revolutionary committees, people’s congresses, and security apparatus have disbanded, offering no interim stopgap. Even transitional institutions have to be built from scratch, by a population that for forty years has been severed from governing norms, and before that took lessons from Italian fascism.
Arabian Business : Douze Libanaises parmi les 100 femmes les plus puissantes du monde arabe اثنا عشر امرأة عربية تظهر في قائمة اهمم امرأة في العالم
Douze femmes libanaises ou d’origine libanaise figurent dans le top 100 des femmes arabes les plus puissantes en 2011, élaboré par la revue Arabian Business.
Selon Arabian Business, la femme la plus puissante dans le monde arabe est Sheikha Lubna bint Khalid bin Sultan Al Qasimi, la ministre du Commerce extérieur des Emirats Arabes Unis, suivie par la saoudienne Lubna Olayan, PDG de Olayan Financing Company, et de l’émiratie Salma Hareb, qui dirige l’autorité de la plus grande zone franche du pays (Ali Free Zone Authority -JAFZA).
La première libanaise à faire son entrée dans le classement est Leila El Solh, à la 4ème position. Première femme à occuper un poste ministériel au Liban, en 2004, elle dirige la fondation humanitaire de son fils, le richissime prince saoudien Walid Ben Talal.
Arrive ensuite Nayla Hayek, la suisse d’origine libanaise à la tête du groupe Swatch (16ème) suivie par la journaliste Maria Maalouf (19ème), et l’éditorialiste et correspondante diplomatique du journal Al Hayat, Raghida Dergham (42ème).
La réalisatrice Nadine Labaki figure à la 48ème position, suivie par Soraya Nardfeldt, fondatrice de RA International, une société spécialisée dans la reconstruction post-conflit basée à Dubai (51ème), et par la journaliste de Al Arabiya, Najwa El Qassim ( 64ème).
Les chanteuses Nancy Ajram et Elissa sont classées 68ème et 77ème respectivement.
La vice présidente du groupe financier basé aux Etats-Unis, Development Innovations Group, Dr Mayada Baydas est 81ème suivie par l’actrice mexicaine d’origine libanaise, Salma Hayek ( 92ème), la designer Reem Acra (93ème), et la première Miss USA d’origine arabe, Rima Fakhigh à la 100ème place.
حسب نساء الاعمال، اهم امرأة في الكون هي لبنة خالد بن سلطان، وزيرة الالتجارة الخارجية في الامارات، تليها لبنة عليان ، وسلمى حرب من الامارات.
ومن لبنان ليلى الصلح التي ادارت المؤسسة الانسانية التابعة لنجلها وليد بن طلال يليها نايلة حايك، ثم نايلة معلوف ونانسي عجرم،
Selon Arabian Business, la femme la plus puissante dans le monde arabe est Sheikha Lubna bint Khalid bin Sultan Al Qasimi, la ministre du Commerce extérieur des Emirats Arabes Unis, suivie par la saoudienne Lubna Olayan, PDG de Olayan Financing Company, et de l’émiratie Salma Hareb, qui dirige l’autorité de la plus grande zone franche du pays (Ali Free Zone Authority -JAFZA).
La première libanaise à faire son entrée dans le classement est Leila El Solh, à la 4ème position. Première femme à occuper un poste ministériel au Liban, en 2004, elle dirige la fondation humanitaire de son fils, le richissime prince saoudien Walid Ben Talal.
Arrive ensuite Nayla Hayek, la suisse d’origine libanaise à la tête du groupe Swatch (16ème) suivie par la journaliste Maria Maalouf (19ème), et l’éditorialiste et correspondante diplomatique du journal Al Hayat, Raghida Dergham (42ème).
La réalisatrice Nadine Labaki figure à la 48ème position, suivie par Soraya Nardfeldt, fondatrice de RA International, une société spécialisée dans la reconstruction post-conflit basée à Dubai (51ème), et par la journaliste de Al Arabiya, Najwa El Qassim ( 64ème).
Les chanteuses Nancy Ajram et Elissa sont classées 68ème et 77ème respectivement.
La vice présidente du groupe financier basé aux Etats-Unis, Development Innovations Group, Dr Mayada Baydas est 81ème suivie par l’actrice mexicaine d’origine libanaise, Salma Hayek ( 92ème), la designer Reem Acra (93ème), et la première Miss USA d’origine arabe, Rima Fakhigh à la 100ème place.
سمير عطا الله : البحث عن رضا هلال
في لبنان، اعتدنا ذلك منذ زمن طويل: كلما جاء عهد جديد تزاحمت الناس على درجات قطاره. وكلما زال عهد انصرفت الناس عنه، كأنما لا عهد ولا عهود. وتكرارا، هذه طبائع البشر. فهم مكونون من رغبات ومخاوف وضعف. وفي بلادنا كل شيء مرتبط بالدولة والنفوذ، مهما كبر المواطن أو اغتنى.
رغم ذلك يبدو الإسراع إلى تغيير المحطات والقطارات مضحكا. المتسارعون والمتزاحمون إلى ركوب قطار «25 يناير» في مصر، يتدافعون بطريقة عجيبة. المتنصلون من العهد الماضي يهرعون إلى ميدان التحرير لالتقاط صورة تذكارية تعلق في صدر الدار. والباحثون عن تذاكر للقطار الجديد ضاعفوا أسعارها في السوق السوداء.
هناك أكثر من فئة. أولها فئة الصادقين. أي الذين كانوا يعارضون عهد الرئيس مبارك على درجات متفاوتة ويعادون الحزب الحاكم ومحسوبياته ورعونة بعض أعضائه وسلوكه المسيء للنظام. فقد أساء «الاتحاد الاشتراكي» إلى الناصرية بالتزمت، وأساء حزب جمال مبارك بـ«الانفلاش». وهناك الفئة التي لم تكن راضية، لكنها اختارت قاعدة «الصمت زين والسكوت سلامة». واختارت تجنب الإهانة وعسف أمن الدولة. والآن تجد فرصتها في التعبير مما صبرت عليه طوال سنوات. وهذه فئة تعرف في دول العالم الثالث بـ«الأكثرية الصامتة» لأن جدران هذا العالم مصنوعة كلها من الآذان.
وهناك فرقة النط. أو القفز من قطار إلى قطار. تراها في القطار الذاهب وفي القطار الآتي، في الدرجة الأولى وفي الدرجة «الترسو» وعلى الأدراج. وأحيانا على السطوح. وفي متابعتي للمشهد المصري تختلط علي الأمور. ولكن رغم كل ما فيه، فهو أكثر احتراما ولياقة من المشهد السياسي الفاقع في لبنان.
ثم هناك ذوو الاتزان. الرجال الذين تصرفوا بكل احترام للنفس، قبل وبعد. وهؤلاء يتوقف القطار عندهم. وفي ساعات التغيير يصغى إلى حكمتهم، ويُتعظ بأخلاقهم. وأتمنى على هؤلاء أن يتذكروا رضا هلال. لم أعرف الرجل إلا من كتاباته ومن رسائل تبادلناها عبر الدكتور مأمون فندي. لكنني كنت من قرائه، أينما رأيت توقيعه. وإذ تُكشف الآن أوراق أمن الدولة، أتمنى، مع رئيس تحرير هذه الجريدة، العثور على رضا هلال. لقد قصّرت مصر في حق كاتب كبير عندما أهملت قضيته وسلمتها للنسيان. والآن وقد تغير العهد، تذكروا رضا هلال. لم يكن عابرا في الصحافة المصرية.
150 امرأة يحركن العالم : نيوزويك
قائمة مجلة نيوزويك لأهم 150 شخصية نسائية في العالم للعام 2011
بمناسبة اليوم العالمي للمرأة الذي يوافق اليوم (الثامن من مارس/آذار) أعلنت مجلة نيوزويك البريطانية قائمتها الطويلة التي تتضمن 150 امرأة من مختلف دول العالم، تم اختيارهن بوصفهن أفضل نساء العالم للعام 2011. وضمت القائمة نساء عربيات ومسلمات يعملن في الشأن العام.
وأعلنت المجلة أنها سوف تنظم مؤتمرا عالميا تحت عنوان "150 امرأة يحركن العالم"، للاحتفال بهذه القامات النسائية وتكريمها في الفترة من 10 إلى 12 مارس/آذار الجاري بمدينة نيويورك الأميركية.
وتضمنت القائمة نساء عربيات في مختلف المجالات والتخصصات، وجاءت الكاتبة المصرية الكبيرة نوال السعداوي على رأس العربيات اللاتي ضمتهن القائمة، نظرا إلى مجهوداتها الطويلة في الدفاع عن حقوق المرأة المصرية والعربية، ودورها البارز في مشاركتها في الثورة المصرية التي ظلت في أيامها الـ18 معتصمة مع شباب ميدان التحرير رغم أعوامها الثمانين.
كما تضمنت القائمة ثلاثة أسماء أخرى لمصريات تم اختيارهن حسب المجلة "لدورهن المتميز في إنجاح الثورة المصرية"، وهن: الإعلامية المصرية جميلة إسماعيل زوجة المعارض المصري أيمن نور، وسلمى سعيد (25 عاما) إحدى الناشطات اللاتي شاركن في إنجاح الثورة المصرية، وداليا زيادة الناشطة في مجال حقوق الإنسان.
الكاتبة المصرية نوال السعداوي اختيرت
في قائمة النساء العربيات (الجزيرة- أرشيف)
ناشطات وحقوقيات
وضمت القائمة أيضا الكاتبة السعودية وجيهة الحويدر، الناشطة الحقوقية في مجال حقوق الإنسان وحقوق المرأة السعودية، التي منعتها السلطات السعودية في العام 2003 من الكتابة في جميع الصحف. ثم أجبرتها لاحقا على توقيع تعهد خطي تقر فيه بعدم قيامها بأي نشاطات ميدانية أو إلكترونية من أي نوع.
ومن اليمن اختارت نيوزويك اسمين هما المحامية اليمنية شذى ناصر التي أنشأت أول مكتب محاماة في اليمن ليدافع عن حقوق المرأة، وقادت حملة توعية لمنع تزويج الفتيات الصغيرات. كما اختارت المجلة المصورة الصحفية اليمنية أميرة الشريف (19 عاما)، التي تواصل دراستها الآن بإحدى أكاديميات التصوير الفوتوغرافي في نيويورك.
ومن الكويت ضمت قائمة مجلة نيوزويك البرلمانية الكويتية رولا دشتي، التي قادت حملة حق المرأة الكويتية في المشاركة بالانتخابات البرلمانية عام 2005، وكانت المرأة الأولى التي تقود هذه الحملة التي حققت نصرا تاريخيا حين قادت أول أربع سيدات للفوز بمقاعد في البرلمان الكويتي عام 2009.
كما ضمت القائمة اسم الكاتبة والصحفية والإعلامية الفلسطينية المقيمة في إيطاليا رولا جبريل، صاحبة رواية "Miral" التي تدور أحداثها حول إحدى رائدات العمل الاجتماعي الفلسطيني، هند الحسيني ومدرستها دار الطفل للأيتام التي درست فيها رولا جبريل نفسها.
ومن العراق ضمت القائمة اسم المعمارية العراقية الكبيرة زها حديد لما لها من شهرة واسعة في الأوساط المعمارية الغربية حسب المجلة. كما ضمت القائمة من العراق أيضا الناشطة في مجال حقوق الإنسان العراقية زينب شلبي، التي أسست مشروعا للدفاع عن فقراء العالم.
الكاتبة والإعلامية الفلسطينية المقيمة في إيطاليا رولا جبريل (الجزيرة-أرشيف)
قائمة مشاهير
ومن أفغانستان اختارت القائمة ثريا باكزاد، التي قادت حملة سرية تحت حكم طالبان لتعليم النساء رغم تحريم طالبان لهذا التعليم، وفي 2008 حصلت ثريا باكزاد على جائزة Courage award الأميركية، وفي العام نفسه عدتها مجلة تايم الأميركية إحدى أهم 100 شخصية في العالم.
كما تضمنت القائمة العديد من أسماء مشاهير النساء في العالم، ومن بينهن: ميشيل أوباما قرينة الرئيس الأميركي، ومادلين أولبرايت وزيرة الخارجية الأمريكية السابقة، والملكة الأردنية رانيا، وأنجيلا ميركل مستشارة ألمانيا، وتسيبي ليفني وزيرة خارجية إسرائيل السابقة، وكونداليزا رايس وزيرة الخارجية الأميركية السابقة، وتيري جرينبلات الناشطة في حركة السلام الإسرائيلية، وآيان هيرست علي الناشطة الصومالية واللاجئة منذ سنوات في هولندا.
كذلك تضمنت قائمة نيوزويك العديد من مشاهير الفن من نساء العالم، ومن بينهن ممثلات ومغنيات وإعلاميات مثل الأميركيات: أنجلينا جولي وآشلي جود وميريل أستريب وأوبرا وينفري، كما ضمت القائمة الممثلة المكسيكية الشهيرة سلمى حايك والمغنية الكولومبية شاكيرا
غازي الصوراني : القراءة السياسية الاجتماعية للحالة الثورية العربية
http://www.arabic-n.info/
افتتحت الانتفاضة الشعبية في تونس ومصر وليبيا.. مشهداً عربياً جديداً يتجسد ويتبلور عبر هذه الحالة الثورية[1] التي فجرها الشباب وجماهير الفقراء والكادحين وكل المضطهدين، وتطورت شعاراتها وأهدافها مع تطور الأحداث منذ أشعل البوعزيزي النار في نفسه يوم 17/12/2010 لتنطلق بعدها الاحتجاجات وتتطور إلى حالة ثورية اسقطت النظام (14/1/2011) في تونس، ثم تمتد إلى مصر يوم 25/1/2011 بادئة بشعارات ضد الاستبداد والقمع ومن أجل الحرية والكرامة ، سرعان ما تطورت إلى المطالبة باسقاط الرئيس ، ثم المطالبة باسقاط النظام كله، وها هي تشتعل اليوم في اليمن وليبيا –كما في العديد من الدول العربية- للمطالبة باسقاط الرئيس والنظام في إطار حالة ثورية جماهيرية عربية غير مسبوقة في تاريخ العرب القديم والحديث والمعاصر، لن تتوقف عند التغيير الديمقراطي للمجتمعات العربية فحسب، بل ستفكك ما يسمى بـ"حالة الاستقرار" الذي تغنت به كل من الامبريالية الأمريكية والحركة الصهيونية في بلادنا على أثر توقيع اتفاقات كامب ديفيد وأسلو ووادي عربة وما تلاها من علاقات تطبيعية مع دولة العدو الإسرائيلي، وبالتالي فإن مشهد الانتفاضة والحالة الثورية العربية، سيؤدي بالضرورة إلى خلق مناخ ليبرالي ديمقراطي يوفر فرص فك وتجاوز شروط التبعية والخضوع والارتهان للسياسات الأمريكية والإسرائيلية عبر خطوات تدرجية صاعدة
للاطلاع على الدراسة
اضغط الرابط اعلاه
The idea of dissolving the PA is not that clear, but..... نيويورك، مجموعة من الفلسطيني يدخلون الى البعثة الفلسطينية مع مطالبة بالاستقالة
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PqmP5noQcGo&feature=player_embedded
Its not bad, it catches a good moment, plus the quality is good, especially the opening scene with the V.O, although its a bit short, and the idea of dissolving the PA is not that clear, but the film structure reminds me a lot of the golden age of Palestinian militant cinema...
Its not bad, it catches a good moment, plus the quality is good, especially the opening scene with the V.O, although its a bit short, and the idea of dissolving the PA is not that clear, but the film structure reminds me a lot of the golden age of Palestinian militant cinema...
L’Orient-Le Jour : 12 ONG appellent à la levée de l'état d'urgence 12 منظمة غير حكومية تطالب الحكومة السورية بالتغيير
Douze organisations de défense des droits de l'Homme, syriennes et kurdes, ont appelé mardi les autorités syriennes à lever l'état d'urgence en vigueur depuis près d'un demi-siècle et à voter une loi sur la création de partis politiques.
"L'état d'urgence porte atteinte aux droits de l'Homme et aux libertés publiques en Syrie qui font l'objet de violations continues. Nous appelons à la levée de l'état d'urgence et à la libération de tous les détenus politiques", ont affirmé ces organisations dans un communiqué.
L'état d'urgence a été décrété en Syrie peu après l'arrivée au pouvoir du parti Baas le 8 mars 1963.
Les ONG demandent également la "promulgation d'une loi sur les partis politiques qui permettrait aux citoyens d'exercer leur droit de participer à la gestion des affaires du pays".
Elles appellent aussi à "l'abrogation de toutes les lois empêchant les organisations des droits de l'Homme de travailler publiquement en toute liberté, et les associations de la société civile de jouer leur rôle avec efficacité".
Les organisations soulignent la nécessité de "prendre urgemment toutes les mesures nécessaires pour annuler toutes les formes de discrimination envers les citoyens kurdes" qui représentent 9% de la population syrienne.
"Les Kurdes doivent pouvoir jouir de leur culture et de leur langue, en vertu des droits civiques, politiques, culturels, sociaux et économiques", ajoute le communiqué.
Le texte est signé notamment de l'Observatoire syrien pour les droits de l'Homme, de la Ligue syrienne de défense des droits de l'Homme, de l'Organisation nationale des droits de l'Homme en Syrie, du Centre de Damas pour les études théoriques et les droits civiques, ainsi que du comité kurde pour les droits de l'Homme en Syrie et de l'Organisation des droits de l'Homme en Syrie (kurde).
"L'état d'urgence porte atteinte aux droits de l'Homme et aux libertés publiques en Syrie qui font l'objet de violations continues. Nous appelons à la levée de l'état d'urgence et à la libération de tous les détenus politiques", ont affirmé ces organisations dans un communiqué.
L'état d'urgence a été décrété en Syrie peu après l'arrivée au pouvoir du parti Baas le 8 mars 1963.
Les ONG demandent également la "promulgation d'une loi sur les partis politiques qui permettrait aux citoyens d'exercer leur droit de participer à la gestion des affaires du pays".
Elles appellent aussi à "l'abrogation de toutes les lois empêchant les organisations des droits de l'Homme de travailler publiquement en toute liberté, et les associations de la société civile de jouer leur rôle avec efficacité".
Les organisations soulignent la nécessité de "prendre urgemment toutes les mesures nécessaires pour annuler toutes les formes de discrimination envers les citoyens kurdes" qui représentent 9% de la population syrienne.
"Les Kurdes doivent pouvoir jouir de leur culture et de leur langue, en vertu des droits civiques, politiques, culturels, sociaux et économiques", ajoute le communiqué.
Le texte est signé notamment de l'Observatoire syrien pour les droits de l'Homme, de la Ligue syrienne de défense des droits de l'Homme, de l'Organisation nationale des droits de l'Homme en Syrie, du Centre de Damas pour les études théoriques et les droits civiques, ainsi que du comité kurde pour les droits de l'Homme en Syrie et de l'Organisation des droits de l'Homme en Syrie (kurde).
The Washington Post reports: Anti-government protests continue in Bahrain
Saudi Arabia said Sunday that it stands ready “with all its capabilities” to shore up Bahrain’s ruling royal family if a standoff with the Shiite-led opposition is not resolved soon, underscoring the kingdom’s deep concern about its neighbor’s ongoing political crisis.
Sunni-led Saudi Arabia props up Bahrain’s al-Khalifa family with cash and has long sought to prevent the tiny Persian Gulf state – with its majority Shiite population – from falling into Iran’s orbit. With dwindling oil resources, Bahrain relies heavily on Saudi Arabia for money and security.
It was unclear whether the Saudi comments indicated that the country was contemplating possible action in Bahrain or were merely meant to express growing anxiety among Saudi leaders. But some regional experts have long warned that a concerted Shiite challenge to the monarchy in Bahrain might prompt intervention from Saudi Arabia, which has its own restive Shiite minority population. The two countries are connected by a causeway.
And let’s suppose that in the coming days or weeks, Saudi forces (which they would no doubt describe with some anodyne phrase such as “peacekeeping forces” or “military assistance”) invade Bahrain.
Hand-wringing in Washington and other Western capitals will surely become frenzied in a decisive moment when Obama and his allies will be forced to show the world whether they truly stand for or against democracy.
Sunni-led Saudi Arabia props up Bahrain’s al-Khalifa family with cash and has long sought to prevent the tiny Persian Gulf state – with its majority Shiite population – from falling into Iran’s orbit. With dwindling oil resources, Bahrain relies heavily on Saudi Arabia for money and security.
It was unclear whether the Saudi comments indicated that the country was contemplating possible action in Bahrain or were merely meant to express growing anxiety among Saudi leaders. But some regional experts have long warned that a concerted Shiite challenge to the monarchy in Bahrain might prompt intervention from Saudi Arabia, which has its own restive Shiite minority population. The two countries are connected by a causeway.
And let’s suppose that in the coming days or weeks, Saudi forces (which they would no doubt describe with some anodyne phrase such as “peacekeeping forces” or “military assistance”) invade Bahrain.
Hand-wringing in Washington and other Western capitals will surely become frenzied in a decisive moment when Obama and his allies will be forced to show the world whether they truly stand for or against democracy.
بي بي سي : القذافي يتهم المعارضة المسلحة بالعمالة
الانتفاضة المسلحة ضد القذافي "تمرد يقوده خونة يأتمرون بأمر الغرب ويجرون وراءهم فتيانا غررت بهم القاعدة"
اتهم الزعيم الليبي معمر القذافي المجلس الوطني الانتقالي الذي شكلته المعارضة، بـ"الخيانة" مؤكدا أن أعمال العنف التي تشهدها البلاد يقف خلفها تنظيم القاعدة و"مؤامرة" غربية للاستيلاء على نفط البلاد.
وقال القذافي في كلمة متلفزة ألقاها أمام شباب من قبيلة الزنتان بث التلفزيون الرسمي تسجيلا لها فجر الخميس "هؤلاء خونة لديهم استعداد للخيانة... هؤلاء معروفون ان لديهم ارتباطات اجنبية، اي خونة".
روابط ذات صلةليبياالأمم المتحدة تحذر من تراجع عدد الرحلات الجوية لإجلاء الفارين من ليبياموضوعات ذات صلةقضايا الشرق الأوسط، ليبياوشن القذافي هجوما عنيفا على وزير العدل السابق المستشار مصطفى عبد الجليل الذي انشق عن نظامه وترأس المجلس الانتقالي.
وقال ان "بعض الناس من القوى الثورية كانوا يأتوني ناصحين ويقولون لي هذا خائن، هذا عميل، هذا عبد للسنوسية... إنصح المؤتمر الشعبي العام بتنحيته...اعتقد ان المؤتمر الشعبي العام كان سيقيله في مؤتمره المقبل".
وفرق الزعيم الليبي بين من وصفهم بالخونة وبين رفاق سلاح شاركوه في "ثورة الضباط الاحرار" قبل أربعة عقود وأعلنوا انضمامهم إلى الثورة، مؤكدا أن هؤلاء الضباط "مغلوبون على أمرهم" و"أسرى" وقد قالوا ما قالوه "تحت التهديد بالذبح على طريقة الزرقاوي".
وقال "الخيانة تكشفت والناس المغلوب على أمرهم أيضا... اي واحد في بنغازي سمعتوه تكلم في الاذاعات الاجنبية، يتصل بنا قبلها ويقول لنا انهم هددوه: إما نذبحك على طريقة الزرقاوي إما ان تقل كذا وكذا"، معددا اسماء عدد من الضباط قال انهم ابلغوه مسبقا انه سيعلنون انشقاقهم عنه تحت وطأة التهديد.
واضاف الزعيم الليبي قائلا: "كان متوقعا ان شباب الزنتان اقوى من ان يفترسهم بن لادن او الظواهري او واحد زنديق", مؤكدا ان ابناء الزنتان الذين انضموا الى الثوار لا يزيد عددهم عن مئة او مئتي شاب وقد جاءت مجموعة من "الارهابيين" من افغانستان والجزائر ومصر وفلسطين "جنوا عليهم وغرروا بهم وغسلوا مخهم (...) واعطوهم حبوب وفلوس وبنادق وسلاح".
ودعا القذافي سكان بنغازي للخروج الى الشوارع، وقال "لا خيار أمامكم سوى الخروج، رجالا ونساء وأطفالا، لتحرير بنغازي من الخيانة. بنغازي التي كانت جميلة تتحول الى ركام. يجب أن تحرر".
وقال مراسل بي بي سي في طرابلس واير ديفيز إن القذافي بدا في حالة من الثقة بالنفس، ولم يبد أي نية للقبول بحلول وسط أو الحديث إلى المعارضة.
L’Orient-Le Jour :Koweït: des centaines de manifestants appellent à des réformesمئات من النساء في الكويت يتظاهرن من اجل الاصلاح
L'appel à la manifestation a été lancé par dix groupes rassemblant des islamistes, des libéraux et des nationalistes arabes dans cet émirat, quatrième producteur de l'OPEP, dont la population de quelque 3,5 millions d'habitants compte seulement un tiers de nationaux.
Portant des banderoles appelant à la démission du gouvernement et la nomination d'un nouveau Premier ministre, ils ont juré de continuer leurs protestations jusqu'au départ du chef du gouvernement, cheikh Nasser Mohammad al-Ahmad al-Sabah.
L'un des principaux groupes appelant aux manifestations, "la Cinquième Muraille", avait changé le lieu de la manifestation, la police ayant bloqué les accès à la place Safat où elle devait se tenir.
"M. le Premier ministre, vous avez accompli votre travail, mais les Koweïtiens méritent mieux. S'il vous plaît, partez", a crié l'une des militantes, Mme Mariam al-Ajmi, devant les manifestants arborant les drapeaux koweïtiens.
Le richissime émirat du Koweït, gouverné par la famille Al-Sabah depuis plus de 250 ans, a jusqu'ici été épargné par la vague de contestation du monde arabe.
Depuis sa nomination comme Premier ministre en 2006, cheikh Nasser a dû faire face à une opposition parlementaire incessante qui l'a contraint à dissoudre cinq des six cabinets qu'il a présidés. Le Parlement a été également dissous trois fois.
"Un Premier ministre qui a formé six cabinets sans avoir réalisé quoique ce soit doit partir... Nous voulons un nouveau gouvernement, un nouveau Premier ministre et une nouvelle stratégie", a dit un jeune manifestant Hamad al-Alyan. Son collègue a soutenu que "la corruption s'est aggravée sous le gouvernement de cheikh Nasser".
S'adressant au rassemblement, un vétéran de la vie politique dans l'émirat, Ahmad al-Khatib, a affirmé que le Koweït connaissait la pire période de son histoire et mis en garde la famille régnante contre toute tentative de "jouer avec l'avenir" de la nation.
"Nous ne permettrons pas à la famille régnante de jouer avec l'avenir du Koweït pour satisfaire ses ambitions personnelles ... Elle nuit au Koweït", a accusé M. Khatib, l'un des artisans de la Constitution du pays.
Encouragés par les appels à la démocratisation qui secouent le monde arabe de la Tunisie au Yémen, des groupes d'opposition au Koweït ont décidé d'exiger de nouvelles réformes dans cet Etat du Golfe qui a obtenu son indépendance des Britanniques en 1961.
Les tensions au sein de la dynastie des Al-Sabah sont rendues responsables par des critiques du régime de l'actuelle paralysie politique.
L'opposition appelle également à la légalisation des partis politiques, l'instauration du pluralisme politique et du principe d'un gouvernement élu.
عشرة مجموعات تمثل شرائح المجتمع في الكويت البالغ عدد سكانه ثلاثة ملايين ونصف يتظاهرن في الكويت من اجل الاصلاح.
تجمعت النساء في ساحة التغيير امام دار الرئاية، وحلقت طائرة للرقابة فوق رؤوس المتظاهرات اللاتي ادين القسم بان تستمر الاحتجاجات حتى عزل رئيس الحكومة الشيخ ناصر محمد الصباح
Les protestataires se sont rassemblés sur une place de la capitale face au siège du gouvernement, qu'ils ont baptisée "Place du Changement", au milieu d'un important dispositif de sécurité et alors qu'un hélicoptère survolait le lieu.Portant des banderoles appelant à la démission du gouvernement et la nomination d'un nouveau Premier ministre, ils ont juré de continuer leurs protestations jusqu'au départ du chef du gouvernement, cheikh Nasser Mohammad al-Ahmad al-Sabah.
L'un des principaux groupes appelant aux manifestations, "la Cinquième Muraille", avait changé le lieu de la manifestation, la police ayant bloqué les accès à la place Safat où elle devait se tenir.
"M. le Premier ministre, vous avez accompli votre travail, mais les Koweïtiens méritent mieux. S'il vous plaît, partez", a crié l'une des militantes, Mme Mariam al-Ajmi, devant les manifestants arborant les drapeaux koweïtiens.
Le richissime émirat du Koweït, gouverné par la famille Al-Sabah depuis plus de 250 ans, a jusqu'ici été épargné par la vague de contestation du monde arabe.
Depuis sa nomination comme Premier ministre en 2006, cheikh Nasser a dû faire face à une opposition parlementaire incessante qui l'a contraint à dissoudre cinq des six cabinets qu'il a présidés. Le Parlement a été également dissous trois fois.
"Un Premier ministre qui a formé six cabinets sans avoir réalisé quoique ce soit doit partir... Nous voulons un nouveau gouvernement, un nouveau Premier ministre et une nouvelle stratégie", a dit un jeune manifestant Hamad al-Alyan. Son collègue a soutenu que "la corruption s'est aggravée sous le gouvernement de cheikh Nasser".
S'adressant au rassemblement, un vétéran de la vie politique dans l'émirat, Ahmad al-Khatib, a affirmé que le Koweït connaissait la pire période de son histoire et mis en garde la famille régnante contre toute tentative de "jouer avec l'avenir" de la nation.
"Nous ne permettrons pas à la famille régnante de jouer avec l'avenir du Koweït pour satisfaire ses ambitions personnelles ... Elle nuit au Koweït", a accusé M. Khatib, l'un des artisans de la Constitution du pays.
Encouragés par les appels à la démocratisation qui secouent le monde arabe de la Tunisie au Yémen, des groupes d'opposition au Koweït ont décidé d'exiger de nouvelles réformes dans cet Etat du Golfe qui a obtenu son indépendance des Britanniques en 1961.
Les tensions au sein de la dynastie des Al-Sabah sont rendues responsables par des critiques du régime de l'actuelle paralysie politique.
L'opposition appelle également à la légalisation des partis politiques, l'instauration du pluralisme politique et du principe d'un gouvernement élu.
Arab women: this time, the revolution won't leave us behind
http://www.csmonitor.com/CSM-Photo-Galleries/In-Pictures/Real-life-wonder-women
The Christian Science Monitor - CSMonitor.com
Arab women were integral players in the post-colonial revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia, and Algeria, but soon lost ground. They are vowing not to be marginalized in the wake of this year's Arab spring
Paris Arab women have been crucial midwives in the revolutions that have shattered the status quo in the Middle East.
A first voice of the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia was the sister of Mohamed Bouazizi, the young man who immolated himself and set off the protests. In Mr. Bouazizi’s town of Sidi Bouzid, “Of all those who spoke to the media, the most forceful was his sister [Leila], who strongly advocated political equality,” says Khadija Cherif, former president of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Woman, speaking from Tunis.
Yet the extent of Arab female participation may be less important than the question: Were democracy revolutions possible without the women?
Women’s networks, courage, voices, and activity so directly influenced the Arab spring that any new democracy failing to include them has some explaining to do. Men and women marched side by side in January and February. After 50 years of work, as senior Egyptian feminist Nawal El Saadawi put it, “In [Tahrir Square] I felt for the first time that women are equal to men.”
Stereotypes of Arab women
Today is International Women’s Day; it marks for the 100th year female advances in education, law, human rights, and commerce. But unforeseen ahead of today's celebrations was so sudden a rise in the profile of Arab women. As Naomi Wolf, author of "The Beauty Myth," notes, Arab women are often seen as either exotic belly dancers or covered head to toe in black veils – but rarely as the girl next door.
In fact, Arab women were early and integral parts of the post-colonial revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria that led to independence. But they were soon marginalized. Today, as doctors, lawyers, teachers, women don’t want a repeat.
In Tunisia, “women massively participated in the [Jasmine] uprising to make sure their demands would be taken into account, that they would get to be represented in post-revolutionary political institution,” says Souhayr Belhassen, president of the International Federation for Human Rights and herself a Tunisian. “Women strongly resent the fact that though they participated in the nationalist struggle against colonialism, they were largely forgotten once independence was obtained.”
The Arab spring may be captured in the saying that decades pass and nothing happens, then in weeks decades happen. The role of Arab women can’t be hidden – though a panel of legal experts in Egypt appointed by the military to revise the constitution is already being criticized for excluding them. (The wording of one proposal states that an Egyptian president may not be married to a “non-Egyptian women,” implying that a woman cannot be president.)
“We see [Arab] women committed to human rights and democracy in a way that is extraordinary. They put on the table a coalition that no one expected was there and that is extremely strong,” says Harvard Divinity School’s Leila Ahmed, author of “A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, From the Middle East to America.” This is a challenge to the old impression that Arab women are passive and submissive … that idea is being completely overturned.”
It's all about education, literacy
Globally, women rise to prominence wherever they have access to education and literacy. In China, women proverbially hold up half the sky. In Hong Kong, female lawyers prop up half of the democracy movement. In India’s elite prep schools, where girls are as numerous as boys, they outshine the other gender in subjects from math to language. US studies show females are now more than 70 percent of US high school valedictorians. Men have fallen to 40 percent of the US college student body.
Literacy and schooling in Northern Europe and Great Britain brought early pioneer social reform and women’s rights through churches and in urban society. In 19th century America, as Alexis de Tocqueville noted, “The mother has more authority.” In the Arab world, many women’s rights on divorce, inheritance, and civil participation came about in roughly the same period as in southern Europe, including France.
Yet even a superficial look at the condition of women, including in the Arab world, shows deep problems: sexual violence, bias, inequality, gaping chasms between what law promises females and what courts and authorities will grant, even in progressive nations. Sublimated violence against women is the leitmotif of “Millennium,” the popular Swedish crime trilogy by Stieg Larsson.
Yet the gradual rise of women may be, quietly, one of the most important long-term changes on the globe.
In the Arab world, demographics are a key driver. French scholars Immanuel Todd and Youssef Courbage, challenging Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations,” find the Arab birth rate in steep decline, from roughly seven offspring to two. Along with spiking the idea of an Arab cultural exception and showing a move to modernity, they point out that there are simply more Arab families with girls. A broadening Arab middle class with fewer sons means females get more and better education, particularly in Tunisia, where schooling was state policy dating to Habib Bourguiba, the father of independence.
Leila Bouazizi, who spoke courageously on behalf of her brother after he set himself alight, is a benefactor of that policy. She spoke to the BBC saying, "My brother is alive in all of us. He offered us so much; he opened many doors for us because we can smell democracy and freedom now.”
The Christian Science Monitor - CSMonitor.com
Arab women were integral players in the post-colonial revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia, and Algeria, but soon lost ground. They are vowing not to be marginalized in the wake of this year's Arab spring
Paris Arab women have been crucial midwives in the revolutions that have shattered the status quo in the Middle East.
A first voice of the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia was the sister of Mohamed Bouazizi, the young man who immolated himself and set off the protests. In Mr. Bouazizi’s town of Sidi Bouzid, “Of all those who spoke to the media, the most forceful was his sister [Leila], who strongly advocated political equality,” says Khadija Cherif, former president of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Woman, speaking from Tunis.
Yet the extent of Arab female participation may be less important than the question: Were democracy revolutions possible without the women?
Women’s networks, courage, voices, and activity so directly influenced the Arab spring that any new democracy failing to include them has some explaining to do. Men and women marched side by side in January and February. After 50 years of work, as senior Egyptian feminist Nawal El Saadawi put it, “In [Tahrir Square] I felt for the first time that women are equal to men.”
Stereotypes of Arab women
Today is International Women’s Day; it marks for the 100th year female advances in education, law, human rights, and commerce. But unforeseen ahead of today's celebrations was so sudden a rise in the profile of Arab women. As Naomi Wolf, author of "The Beauty Myth," notes, Arab women are often seen as either exotic belly dancers or covered head to toe in black veils – but rarely as the girl next door.
In fact, Arab women were early and integral parts of the post-colonial revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria that led to independence. But they were soon marginalized. Today, as doctors, lawyers, teachers, women don’t want a repeat.
In Tunisia, “women massively participated in the [Jasmine] uprising to make sure their demands would be taken into account, that they would get to be represented in post-revolutionary political institution,” says Souhayr Belhassen, president of the International Federation for Human Rights and herself a Tunisian. “Women strongly resent the fact that though they participated in the nationalist struggle against colonialism, they were largely forgotten once independence was obtained.”
The Arab spring may be captured in the saying that decades pass and nothing happens, then in weeks decades happen. The role of Arab women can’t be hidden – though a panel of legal experts in Egypt appointed by the military to revise the constitution is already being criticized for excluding them. (The wording of one proposal states that an Egyptian president may not be married to a “non-Egyptian women,” implying that a woman cannot be president.)
“We see [Arab] women committed to human rights and democracy in a way that is extraordinary. They put on the table a coalition that no one expected was there and that is extremely strong,” says Harvard Divinity School’s Leila Ahmed, author of “A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, From the Middle East to America.” This is a challenge to the old impression that Arab women are passive and submissive … that idea is being completely overturned.”
It's all about education, literacy
Globally, women rise to prominence wherever they have access to education and literacy. In China, women proverbially hold up half the sky. In Hong Kong, female lawyers prop up half of the democracy movement. In India’s elite prep schools, where girls are as numerous as boys, they outshine the other gender in subjects from math to language. US studies show females are now more than 70 percent of US high school valedictorians. Men have fallen to 40 percent of the US college student body.
Literacy and schooling in Northern Europe and Great Britain brought early pioneer social reform and women’s rights through churches and in urban society. In 19th century America, as Alexis de Tocqueville noted, “The mother has more authority.” In the Arab world, many women’s rights on divorce, inheritance, and civil participation came about in roughly the same period as in southern Europe, including France.
Yet even a superficial look at the condition of women, including in the Arab world, shows deep problems: sexual violence, bias, inequality, gaping chasms between what law promises females and what courts and authorities will grant, even in progressive nations. Sublimated violence against women is the leitmotif of “Millennium,” the popular Swedish crime trilogy by Stieg Larsson.
Yet the gradual rise of women may be, quietly, one of the most important long-term changes on the globe.
In the Arab world, demographics are a key driver. French scholars Immanuel Todd and Youssef Courbage, challenging Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations,” find the Arab birth rate in steep decline, from roughly seven offspring to two. Along with spiking the idea of an Arab cultural exception and showing a move to modernity, they point out that there are simply more Arab families with girls. A broadening Arab middle class with fewer sons means females get more and better education, particularly in Tunisia, where schooling was state policy dating to Habib Bourguiba, the father of independence.
Leila Bouazizi, who spoke courageously on behalf of her brother after he set himself alight, is a benefactor of that policy. She spoke to the BBC saying, "My brother is alive in all of us. He offered us so much; he opened many doors for us because we can smell democracy and freedom now.”
حزب المستقبل الجديد، وحدتنا هي لبنة مستقبلنا : شادي طلعت
ينادي حزب المستقبل الجديد كافة المسلمين بالمساهمة في إعادة بناء كنيسة أطفيح و ليتبرع كل منا و لو بجنيه واحد أو بالمشاركة في البناء ، فالأقباط شركاء المسلمين في الوطن و إخوتهم ، و هم الأقرب لهم و الأحرص عليهم ، إن كافة أحداث العنف الطائقي في العصر البائد كانت بفعل النظام البائد ، و قد أثبتت ثورة 25 يناير مصريتنا ، و وحدتنا فتعالوا نعلي من شأنها ، و ننبذ أي محاولات للتفرقة أو العنف ، و لتكن محنتا الحالية سبباً في أن نقدم للعالم مثالاً للحب و الود و الإحترام المتبادل .
ننادي شعب مصر بكل طوائفه و فئاته و أديانه و معتقداته بالتماسك و الوقوف يد واحدة فالطريق أمامنا طويل ، فنحن في مرحلة بناء تتطلب منا الإتحاد ، و أن نتنازل لبعضنا البعض حتى تستمر وحدتنا ، فنحن أقوياء طالما وقفنا في صف واحد ، و ضعفاء إذا ما إفترقنا ! و مخطئ من يعتقد أننا في مرحلة نتبارى فيها أمام بعضنا البعض بإظهار القوة ! نحن إخوة و الإخوة لا يتبارون فيما بينهم
إن النظام البائد و رموزه التي لا زالت موجودة ينتظرون منا أن نغرق أو أن دخل في خلافات طائفية على أساس عرق أو دين أو جنس أو على أساس مهني !
يا شعب مصر العظيم إنتبهوا إلى أساليب الفتنة المنبثقة من أعداء الثورة ، إنتبهوا إلى تاريخكم العظيم و حافظوا عليه ، إنتبهوا إلى مستقبلكم القادم و الذي باءت أنواره تشرق في السماء ، فلا تسمحوا لضعاف النفوس بأن يطفؤها .. جميعنا مصريون و مصلحة مصر هي مصلحتنا جميعاً فلا تتفرقوا أو تتشتتوا ، و المصلحة تقتضي أن نفقف جميعاً يد واحدة فرجاءاً إنتبهوا .
في النهاية تعالوا نحب مصر بالعمل و الشراكة في العمل ، تعالوا نحافظ على وطننا من أي مكروه قد يلحق به فظروفنا واحدة و قدرنا واحد فلا تيأسوا من العمل في حب مصر أو المصريين .
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