الرئيس اليمني يعلن الحداد على "شهداء الديمقراطية : بي بي سي

أعلن الرئيس علي عبد الله صالح الاحد يوم حداد وطني على من سماهم شهداء الديمقراطية، بينما ينتظر أن تشيع اليوم جثامين القتلى الـ52 الذين سقطوا برصاص مسلحين في ساحة التغيير يوم الجمعة.

روابط ذات صلةاليمن: اشتباكات قبلية في الجوف مشاهداتكم وتعليقاتكم: الاحتجاجات في اليمن وزير الأوقاف اليمني يستقيل احتجاجاً والحكومة تقول بأنه أقيلاقرأ أيضا

موضوعات ذات صلةاليمن، قضايا الشرق الأوسطوقد جرح أمس السبت خمسة أشخاص حين اقتحمت قوات الامن اعتصاما لمناوئين للنظام بحي المعلا في مدينة عدن، ويقول مراسلنا في اليمن عبدالله غراب إن الاحتجاجات ما زالت مستمرة في عدة مدن.

على صعيد آخر، قدّمت كل من وزيرة حقوق الإنسان الدكتورة هدى علي البان ووكيل الوزارة علي صالح تيسير ومدير عام مكتب الوزيرة عادل محمد اليزيدي استقالاتهم بشكل جماعي من مناصبهم الرسمية للرئيس علي عبد الله صالح، وذلك احتجاجاً على ما وصفوها بالأوضاع غير المشجّعة لحقوق الإنسان في اليمن.

كما قدم وكيل وزارة التربية محمد زبارة استقالته من منصبه للسبب ذاته.

Save Bahrain from Saudi occupation : Bahrain Freedom Movement

The use of the American-made and supplied Apache helicopter gunships, the British-made and supplied tear gas canisters and guns and various other weapons has exposed the catastrophic moral and ethical downfall of all involved in the attack on the unarmed civilians of Bahrain. The Saudi invasion that started on Monday 14th March is a replica of the invasion of Saddam Hussain’s invasion of Kuwait on 2nd August 1990. If that invasion was wrong, how could the Saudi occupation of Bahrain be right? The world community is thus duty bound to end this occupation. The latest episode of the all out war started at around 4.00 am GMT Sunday 13th March with massive attacks from the air and land at the peaceful protesters at the Pearl Square, many of whom were asleep. They were hit with salvo of tear and nerve gases, live ammunition and rubber bullets. Hundreds have so far been injured and many killed. Among those confirmed to have lost their lives are Jaffar Ali Salman, 31, from K arranah and Ahmad Abdulla Hassan, 23, from Hamad Town. The Pearl Square has been scorched by the invading Saudi army. On Friday 18th March, the central monument at the Square that came to symbolize people’s revolution was demolished by the Al Khalifa and the Saudi invaders. Could they also erase the images of the revolution from people’s memory?

As the killed and injured were taken to the main hospital at Salmaniyah it soon became clear that it jad been overstretched. The private international Hospital also opened its doors for emergency treatment. Makeshift hospitals were opened by the people, one of which is in Matam Khamis in Sanabis. Calls were made for blood donation as the Saudi and Al Khalifa killers opened fire with no mercy on Bahrainis. A team of doctors and nurses from Kuwait was turned away by the Al Khalifa which, instead, opened the doors for the Saudi killers. On Friday 18th March Salmaniyah hospital was raided by Death Squads and took away patients records to hide the true picture from an expected team from the Red Cross.

The past week has been amongst the worst in the history of Bahrain as Death Squads roamed the towns and villages, wielding swords, axes, iron bars and wooden sticks and attacked Bahrainis. At night the residents were attacked inside their homes in several villages, including Malikiyah, Sitra, Nuwaidrat, Bani Jamra, Masha, Daih, Karzakkan, Dar Kulaib and others. There are plenty of images clearly showing these vicious militias attacking and destroying people’s lives and property. The American and British ambassadors in Manama have failed to take moral stands against what the Bahraini natives see as genocide by the Al Khalifa.

Patrick Cockburn : The footage that reveals the brutal truth about Bahrain's crackdown

Seven protest leaders arrested as video clip highlights regime's ruthless grip on power

Prior to carrying out the attack on the unarmed man, security forces are seen to wave away witnesses. It is not known if the man survived

e The unarmed, middle-aged man in the video seems to pose no threat to the Bahraini security forces. He gesticulates at a group of soldiers or policemen, dressed in blue jumpsuits and white helmets, just a few feet away.
One of them gestures as if to wave away a nearby protester filming the incident. Then the civilian is shot.
He sinks to his knees. He stands. He is shot again. And this time he does not get up.
The footage of the incident leaves many questions unanswered. There is no evidence of when it was filmed, or of whether the man was shot with rubber bullets, tear gas or live bullets. The victim's name is unknown. And there is no word whether he lived or died.
But as it spread around the world online yesterday, at the same time as the government arrested seven top opposition leaders and kept injured protesters away from the country's main hospital, it seemed to emblematise the lengths to which the authorities were prepared to go to maintain their grip on power. In another short clip posted on YouTube, another civilian takes his shirt off and waves his arms to show he is unarmed. He, too, is shot. As blood pours from his leg he is taken away in a car in search of treatment, but according to the user who uploaded the video, he is denied access to the hospital. Another video shows him being treated in an ordinary home.
Such ruthlessness appeared to be an indication of the strength of the authorities' rejection of reform. It shows that the ruling Sunni Muslim al-Khalifa family has decided to fight to the finish against Bahrain's Shia majority.
There were few cars on the streets of the capital Manama yesterday, even before the start of the curfew. Soldiers, backed by tanks, established checkpoints on the main roads, while side streets were blocked by skips and shopping trolleys. Shops were mostly closed and there were long lines outside those that were open. A man who had the red and white Bahraini flag – adopted by demonstrators as their banner – in his car was arrested by police wearing black ski masks.
The opposition accuses the Sunni-dominated government of stoking sectarian hatred by portraying the month-long protests as a movement solely of Shia. "Our aim and goal is democracy," said opposition activist Mohammed al-Maskati in a telephone interview.
"The slogan of the protesters has been to say: 'there are no Shia and there are no Sunni'. Several of those arrested this morning are Sunni."
He complained that the pro-government media is falsely claiming that Shia clerical leaders were behind the mass demonstrations over the last month.
King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa and the royal family have acted violently against the protests ever since they started in imitation of what had happened in Tunisia and Egypt. The US Secretary of Defence Robert Gates visiting Bahrain last week-end to counsel moderation said there had been only "baby steps" towards reform.
Mr Maskati said that the military had taken over the main Salmaniya hospital and anybody going there was being interrogated. "In one case friends were not allowed to take away the body of one of the protesters who had been killed." The Salmaniya hospital had been a focus for demonstrators last month.
The takeover of medical facilities by the security services was confirmed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay. She said that "there are reports of arbitrary arrests, killings, beatings of protesters and of medical personnel and the takeover of hospitals and medical centres by various security forces. This is shocking and illegal conduct".
Mr Maskati says there could be little resistance because of the strength of the forces deployed by the state. He said some people were going into the streets to beat drums in a symbolic breach of curfew, but police "come within 10 minutes" and open fire. In some cases he said the security forces were using .50 calibre machine guns.
He did not think there would be demonstrations after Friday prayers because of the heavy security presence and the opposition parties had not called for street protests because police and army would open fire. With their leaders under arrest and charged with "incitement to kill" and being in communication with foreign powers, Mr Maskati said opposition had no definite plan for future action.
The Bahraini government has armed forces numbering some 30,000 – all of whom are Sunni – and police and security services with about the same size, many of them being Baluchi, Yemeni or Syrian.
A central demand of the two thirds of Bahrainis who are Shia is that there should be an end to job discrimination against them. It is not known how the al-Khalifa royal family reached the decision to rely wholly on force to keep their grip on absolute power, though they have clearly been encouraged to do so by Saudi Arabia.
The most powerful opponent of reform is the uncle of the king and prime minister for the last 40 years, Khalifa bin Salman al-Khalifa, who is said to be the richest man in Bahrain. His departure was a key demand of the opposition.
Not a single person was flown out on the first of two planes chartered by the British government to evacuate Britons from Bahrain. Those who wanted to get out found seats on commercial flights. A second flight lands today.

Sudan – the quieter revolution : Nesrine Malik

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/17/sudan-quieter-revolution/print
Southern Sudanese celebrate the result of the referendum that showed a vast majority in favour of independence from the north. Photograph: Pete Muller/AP
Since the end of January, regular protests have taken place in northern Sudan, but they have not had the same impact or turnout as those in Egypt or Yemen, for example.
Many people ask why they have fallen short of expectations. Sudan seems ripe for protests and, certainly to the untrained eye, in the light of the secession of the south, and the government's worse-than-lacklustre human rights record, it would be natural to expect more demonstrations.
Prices of food, petrol and commodities have gone up, corruption within the ranks of the ruling National Congress party (NCP) is rife and, most importantly, Sudan has a richer history of popular revolt than any other Arab country.
Many reasons are cited: political apathy, the strong arm of the security forces, the lack of social networking on the internet, and the suggestion that perhaps there just isn't as strong a sense of disaffection as people expect.
In my view it is something less tangible, more attitudinal. Speaking to people in Khartoum and surrounding areas, I found a wariness, a feeling in the air that people have had enough of political instability. Unlike most other Arab countries, Sudan has witnessed several governments since independence, each with its own unique predilection for failure. Military dictatorships, flirtations with communism, Islamism and a toothless liberal civil government of elites have all instilled a sense of fatigue. Add to this the seismic shift of the separation of the south, and you have a recipe for caution – an almost unconscious cognisance of the fragility of the moment and a negligible appetite for more upheaval.
the website Sudan Protests – Rebellion HQ stated that "as the south prepares to break away after voting for independence in January's referendum, the desire for peace is at least as strong as the thirst for freedom and change". It quotes a senior international official in Khartoum as saying: "This is not a place where nothing has happened. Stability is a virtue for enough people."
However, even though the protests have not been of the scale of those in Egypt, Libya, Bahrain or Yemen, we shouldn't be quick to dismiss them as merely the infectious spasms passed on by the fall of Mubarak and Ben Ali. Upon closer inspection, in small increments, things could be changing.
There are two types of protests in the country. The first is emulative, modelled on the Tunisian and Egyptian experiences with youth and students on Facebook organising events where "our day" will come.

The second – more recent – wave is more spontaneous, in response either to living conditions, police brutality or isolated grievances and incidents that have sparked chagrin. Against the backdrop of other Arab protests thus far, these seem insignificant, but the images of thousands, even millions of people out on the streets of the Arab world should not desensitise us to the importance of such events, and more crucially, the response of the government to them.
Amid reports of detention and torture of protesters, there are also signs of fear and nervousness manifested in random concessions. In what appears to be a pre-emptive move, President Omar al-Bashir announced that he will not be running in the next elections.
This has created a situation where people are beginning to be aware of the power of such protests and using them to spook the government into acting
Two weeks ago, impromptu protests in Khartoum were ignited by a car accident on a residential street that had been allowed to turn into a busy highway because of a lack of planning. Hardly Tahrir Square, but for the capital it was a rare example of the public getting a normally unresponsive government to act.
By the end of the day, after the riot police were sent in, workers had been sent to install traffic lights. The demonstration was disbanded and people did not feel a need to turn it into anything more widespread. The default position of violent crackdown is still in play, but there is a now conciliatory pitch there too, as the government experiments with striking the right tone.
There are now further – planned – protests on 21 March. Between these and the emboldened spontaneous demands of average people across the north, a new dynamic may emerge. It is still early days, but even if there is no regime change, the relationship between people and power is being redefined. If it means that this will lead to reform, more political participation and a less intransigent, dismissive and impune government, then there is a quieter revolution under way.

Patrick Cockburn: Saudi response reveals fear that Sunni power is fading

http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/patrick-cockburn-saudi-response-reveals-fear-that-sunni-power-is-fading-2244164.html
The Gulf monarchies along with Jordan, Egypt and other Sunni Arab states have always been paranoid about a Shia threat. This paranoia has grown deeper since the Shia majority in Iraq has taken power after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. In practice the Shia have only gained influence where they make up a substantial portion of the population. By opting for military intervention to quash the movement of mainly Shia protesters in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia is likely to deepen sectarian division.

The fate of the Arabs will be settled in Egypt, not Libya : Seumas Milne

There is a fear among some activists that the revolution may only put a democratic face on the old system. But the political momentum remains powerful. A popular democratic regime in Cairo would have a profound impact on the entire region. Nothing is guaranteed, but all the signs are that sooner or later, the dominoes will fall.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/16/fate-of-arabs-egypt-not-libya/print
Experience in Iraq and elsewhere suggests it would prolong the war, increase the death toll, lead to demands for escalation and risk dividing the country. It would also be a knife at the heart of the Arab revolution, depriving Libyans and the people of the region of ownership of their own political renaissance.


Arab League support for a no-fly zone has little credibility, dominated as it still is by despots anxious to draw the US yet more deeply into the region; while the three Arab countries lined up to join the military effort – Saudi Arabia, Jordan and the UAE – are themselves among the main barriers to the process of democratisation that intervention would be supposed to strengthen.

Genuinely independent regional backing from, say, Egypt would be another matter, as would Erdogan's proposal of some sort of negotiated solution: whatever the outcome of the conflict there will be no return of the status quo ante for the Gaddafi regime.

In any case, the upheaval now sweeping the Arab world is far bigger than the struggle in Libya – and that process has only just begun. Any idea that all the despots would throw in the towel as quickly as Zin al-Abidine Ben Ali and Mubarak was always a pipedream. They may well be strengthened in their determination to use force by events in Libya. And the divisions of ethnicity, sect and tribe in each society will be ruthlessly exploited by the regimes and their foreign sponsors to try to hold back the tide of change.
But across the region people insist they have lost their fear. There is a widespread expectation that the Yemeni dictator, Ali Abdallah Saleh, will be the next to fall – where violently suppressed street protests have been led by a woman, the charismatic human rights campaigner Tawakul Karman, in what is a deeply conservative society.
And where regimes make cosmetic concessions, such as in Jordan, they find they are only fuelling further demands. As the Jordanian Islamist opposition leader, Rohile Gharaibeh, puts it: "Either we achieve democracy under a constitutional monarchy or there will be no monarchy at all".

The key to the future of the region, however, remains Egypt. It is scarcely surprising if elements of the old regime try to provoke social division, or attempts are made to co-opt and infiltrate the youth movements that played the central role in the uprising, or that the army leadership wants to put a lid on street protests and strikes.

But the process of change continues. In the past fortnight demonstrators have occupied and closed secret police headquarters, and the Mubarak-appointed prime minister has been dumped – and Egyptians are now preparing to vote on constitutional amendments that would replace army rule with an elected parliament and president within six months.

There is a fear among some activists that the revolution may only put a democratic face on the old system. But the political momentum remains powerful. A popular democratic regime in Cairo would have a profound impact on the entire region. Nothing is guaranteed, but all the signs are that sooner or later, the dominoes will fall.

Strikers close 300 factories in Oman over wage claims : Saleh al Shaibany

"He came over and said he would consider all our demands," Qassim al Jawhari, one of the protesters, said.


Their demands, apart from an increase in wages, include a two-day weekend instead of one, medical insurance, training and an opportunity for promotion at regular intervals.
http://www.thenational.ae/news/worldwide/middle-east/strikers-close-300-factories-in-oman-over-wage-claims
I would say only about 40 per cent are Omanis. The rest are from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh," Mr al Noobi said.


The government sent the army with light weapons to the estate, but a government security officer said they were there solely to protect the manufacturing units.

A separate protest yesterday by private security guards blocked the road leading to Muscat airport. They, too, demanded higher pay. Up to 500 uniformed guards employed by private companies diverted traffic away from the airport, forcing some travellers to miss their flights.

Libya Alhurra, qui es-tu ?

http://www.streetpress.com/sujet/2161-libye-mohammed-nabbous-est-mort

Mohamed Nabbous couvrait encore ce matin en live les combats dans Benghazi pour sa web tv.Mohammed Nabbous, le bloggeur avec qui StreetPress était en contact à Benghazi a succombé à ses blessures cet après-midi vers 13h, rapportent les modérateurs du blog Libya Alhurra. C’est sa femme qui leur a appris la triste nouvelle. Celui qui se faisait appeler Mo aurait été victime d’un tir de sniper:


Martyr de la web revolution La communauté de 500 personnes qui suit le live stream est abattue. Ils sont en ce moment plus de 3.700 à pleurer l’ingénieur en télécom qui est en train de devenir le symbole de la révolution. Dans le dernier mail qu’a pu se procurer StreetPress, Nabbous appelait « les médias à ne pas oublier la Libye »: StreetPress est convaincu que son action à lui y aura été pour beaucoup. Mohammed Nabbous laisse derrière lui une femme enceinte.


Libya Alhurra, qui es-tu ?

Libya Alhurra, c’est le meilleur site pour suivre en direct les événements en Libye. Une équipe de modérateurs issus de la diaspora libyenne partout dans le monde gère un chat et diffuse des vidéos en live-stream. Leurs contacts sur place en Libye comme le leader Mohammed Nabbous assurent le rôle de correspondants. Ils sont pour le plupart des ingénieurs en télécommunication capables de hacker la censure de Kadhafi. Dans une interview à CNN, Mohammed Nabbous assurait que « d’autes ingénieurs télécoms étaient déjà prêts pour prendre la relève s’il venait à être tué ».

Medical Staff arrested in Bahrain

Nabeel Rajab ( President of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights ), arrested and later released after it was confiscated electronic devices and some of the files relating to Human Rights activism.




Sea curfew from 5 pm - 6 am .



Medical Staff arrested ( until now ) :
1- Dr. Ali Al-Ekry - A spokesman for the doctors movement (founded the movement after 14 February).
2- Dr. Bassem Dhaif
3-Dr. Ghassan Dhaif - Spoke with many of the international media about the situation in the hospital ( Exp: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJtapAw5HbQ )
4-Dr.Mahmood Asghar
Hani Abdulaziz was attacked by riot police yesterday ( 19 March, 2011 ) when he as chanting near his house as part of a nation wide protest. ( attached his pics after attacked ). Riot police took him to an unknown location.

السعودية : اعتقال 15 شخصا من امام مقر وزارة الداخلية بسبب استفساراتهم عن ذويهم المعتقلين

.تجمع عشرات السعوديين اليوم أمام مقر وزارة الداخلية في الرياض للمطالبة بالإفراج عن أقارب لهم محتجزين بمعرفة السلطات. وقال شاهد عيان إن التجمع تم بالرغم من الوجود الشرطي الكثيف

و "شاهدنا ثلاث أو أربع مركبات للشرطة وهي تأخذ المجتمعين بعيدا..و اعتقلوا نحو 15 شخصا ممن حاولوا دخول الوزارة للاستفسار عن مصير ذويهم المعتقلين".

chers amis : Nous sommes plusieurs à considérer que notre proximité de l'ONU doit nous inciter à suivre l'exemple

Les évènements s'accélèrent et le nombre de victimes des manifestations en Syrie commence à augmenter de jour en jour (sans parler des arrestations qui manquent toute possibilité de réclamation ou même de reconnaissance de la part de l'état syrien..: des disparus..tout simplement..)

Nous sommes plusieurs à considérer que notre proximité de l'ONU doit nous inciter à suivre l'exemple des autres syriens dans les autres villes européennes (Berlin, Istanbul..) et dans le monde qui apportent leur soutiens à notre peuple...
Je vous invitent ainsi à *FW ce message à tous ceux qui sont susceptible de manifester avec nous devant l'ONU pour réclamer la liberté d'expression et la non violence pour les manifestants en Syrie, car nous envisageons de déposer la demande d'une autorisation auprès les autorités genevoises pour manifester devant l'ONU prochainement..

A bientôt

En annexe il y a aussi un message important depuis Facebook : Syrian Revolution 2011 ..

رسالة من أحد الاخوة حول تعليقات العملاء

نداء نداء.... إلى جميع الكتاب والمعلقين وإلى محرري موقع الفيسبوك صفحه الثوره يحب الإنتباه إلى المجموعة التي خرجت إلى الساحة الكتابية بشكل مفاجئ....والإنتباه إلى الذين يهاجمون أصحاب المقالات التي تفضح السلطة السورية، وهم يمجدون بدكتاتور سوريا... كما ويجب الإنتباه إلى المجموعة التي جندت من قبل فرع الأمن السياسي، ليثيروا النعرات الطائفية بين مثقفي وكتاب الكرد والعرب في سوريا، والن عرات الدينية، وغيرها من المشاكل... فهم مجموعة وظفت من قبل الوزارة الداخلية السورية، عن طريق قسم الأمن السياسي في دمشق، شكلت هذه المجموعة من أشباه كتاب... خاصة بعد أن روجت السلطات السورية بأنها لم تعد تحجب الإنترنيت وفتحت جميع الأقنية... لكن الحقيقة غير ذلك ...فقد تلت تلك الدعاية أعمال مكثفة لتشكيل إدارة كاملة متخصصة بال (هاي جاك) على جميع المواقع الإلكترونية المعارضة للسلطة، وحجب صفحات الفيس بوك التي لها تأثير على إثارة الشارع السوري كما وجندوا مجموعة من أشباه الكتاب ليكتبوا مقالات تحريضية ضد القومية الكردية والقوى العربية المعارضة وتحت أسماء وهمية، ومجموعة أختصاصها كتابة التعليقات. إنني واحد من هؤلاء الذين فرزوا لكتابة التعليقات وراء كتاب إيلاف بشكل خاص.... وبالمناسبة براتب شهري قدره خمسة عشرة ألف ليرة سورية... وكمبيوتر وإنترنيت مجاني سريعة الشبكة... أعمل من بيتي... يرجى الإنتباه... أنني أعرف الشخص الذي يكتب تحت الاسم الوهمي ( عربي... و farah... ومواطن معاصر...عربي سوري) هذه الأسماء الوهمية جميعها لشخص واحد... وقد كلف بالكتابة تحت هذه

Guerre franco - britannique contre la Libye : Jean Bonnevey

On peut rappeler que la dernière expédition franco-britannique remonte à Suez en 1956. On ne le savait pas à l’époque, mais cette expédition - succès militaire et désastre diplomatique - allait marquer la fin de la domination européenne du monde. C’est en effet 10 ans après la fin de la Deuxième guerre mondiale que la situation nouvelle, que ce conflit avait créée, va véritablement se concrétiser.

Suez marque en effet la fin des deux grands empires coloniaux qui se partageaient le monde et qui vont renoncer à tenir leur rôle au profit des USA et de l’URSS… La décolonisation massive des années 60 en est la conséquence au moins logique sinon inévitable.
Le 6 novembre 1956, à minuit, prend fin l'expédition de Suez. Les parachutistes français et britanniques doivent cesser le feu quelques heures à peine après avoir sauté sur le canal et défait les troupes égyptiennes. Imposé par les Soviétiques et les Américains, ce cessez-le-feu sonne pour la France et la Grande-Bretagne la fin de l'ère coloniale et de leur influence au Moyen-Orient. Il annonce l'émergence du Tiers Monde et des pays arabes, ainsi que l'intervention des États-Unis dans la politique moyen-orientale.

A l’époque, il s’agissait de rétablir des droits sur le canal, tout en assurant la sécurité d’Israël. L’Etat israélien était alors considéré comme le bastion de l’Occident en terre arabe ; une thèse aujourd’hui à nouveau répandue dans certains milieux. Un certain Jean Marie Le Pen à d’ailleurs participé à cette intervention aux côtés de nos paras, en une époque où il estimait que défendre les colons israéliens c’était défendre les Français d’ Algérie contre un nationalisme arabe représenté par Nasser, figure totalement éloignée de l’islamisme et de Ben Laden.

                                                        
                                                           Guy Mollet :punir Nasser
Tout commence le 4 août. Le socialiste Guy Mollet, chef du gouvernement français, a reçu un télégramme de Robert Lacoste, nommé quelques mois plus tôt ministre résident en Algérie. Ce dernier lui demande de punir Nasser, coupable d'héberger au Caire les chefs de la rébellion algérienne et dont la radio, La voix des Arabes, diffuse des messages séditieux. Guy Mollet se rallie à l'idée d'une guerre préventive, contre l'avis de Pierre Mendès France et du président de la République, René Coty. Il est soutenu par le ministre de la Défense, Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury, mais aussi par le ministre de la Justice, un certain François Mitterrand qui plaide pour la «défense de la civilisation».

                          Suez: une réussite militaire mais un désastre historique

De son côté, le jeune État d'Israël, fidèle allié de la France, manifeste le souhait d'une guerre préventive contre l'Égypte, soupçonnée de vouloir laver l'affront subi par les Arabes en 1948. Nasser était alors présenté dans la presse française comme une sorte d’émule arabe d’Hitler, entouré de vieux nazis rêvant de poursuivre sur place l’extermination des Juifs.
L’opération militaire est une réussite, mais un désastre historique. Les franco-britanniques, menacées de représailles par les USA et l’URSS, vrais vainqueurs de la guerre mondiale et qui l’ont fait savoir, sont repartis victorieux, mais la queue entre les jambes. Nasser, défait, est devenu un temps le héros du monde arabe rêvant d’unité et de revanche sur les colonisateurs.


Nasser devient le héros du monde arabe
L’histoire, on le sait, ne se répète pas ; elle bafouille. Mais voir Sarkozy entraîner la G8 dans une opération militaire en Libye fait penser à Mollet et Eden… Sauf que la France et la Grande Bretagne ne sont plus ce qu’elles étaient, même à l’époque, et que, cette fois, les USA suivent, en traînant les pieds, et que l’Israël de Moshe Dayan n’est plus là.
Vaincu militairement, Nasser est sorti renforcé politiquement et diplomatiquement de la guerre de 1956. Qu’en sera-t-il de Kadhafi, reconnu finalement par le Conseil de Sécurité comme dirigeant libyen, alors que Paris et Londres affirmaient qu’il n’avait plus aucune représentativité, ni légitimité.
Faire la guerre au dictateur libyen est peut être une obligation morale ; c’est aussi une aventure aux conséquences immaîtrisables. Sarkozy a trouvé son Irak et Juppé se prend pour Rumsfeld. La route de l’Élysée passerait-elle maintenant par Benghazi ? Peut être. Mais «remember Suez!»

رسالة الى شباب الثورة السورية من شابة سورية مغتربة

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UxWQNSQc3eI
اربعون عاما من حالة الطوارئ ؟
اربعون عاما من الحزب الواحد؟

Bahrain : Still more than 50 people missing

Abdul Rasoul Hujairi family received a call from the hospital , to inform them of the death of Abdul Rasoul.
Abdul Rasoul Hujairi - 38 years old - works in Salmaniya Hospital - Had been missing since Saturday 19 March , 2011 .
Eyewitness told BYSHR: Riot police and the army attacking on the Karzakan village.
Still more than 50 people missing since March 15, 2011

عيد أمهات مصر بنكهة الصواعق الكهربائية والمسدسات : (CNN)

أومسدس صوت" موديل "شويك

ما هي هدية الأم المصرية بعيدها؟

فعيد الأم هذا العام جاء مختلفاً، وعلى أهداب نهاية عصر وبداية آخر في مصر كلها، فبدا وكأن هدايا الأبناء تحولت إلى وسائل ليست فقط ناقلة للمشاعر، وإنما عاكسة ومناسبة للأحداث أيضاً.

وفيما يأتي عيد الأم في ظل تلك الأجواء، فقد ظهرت بعض الأنواع الجديدة من الهدايا التي يمكن تقديمها للأمهات في عيدهن، منها "صاعق كهربائي" و"سبراي سيلف ديفنس" أو

"مسدس صوت"، ويمكنك عمل اشتراك سنة في صالة "كونغ فو للدفاع عن النفس،

أومسدس صوت" موديل "شويك

المغرب في الدار البيضاء في الرباط يتظاهرون باللآلاف للمطالب باصلاحات دستورية وللحد من صلاحيات الملك

الآلاف في مسيرات تجوب شوارع أهم مدن المملكة للمطالبة بإصلاحات دستورية

ودعوة لحاكم المغرب إلى "توزيع عادل" لمكاسب النمو

وبينما هتف متظاهرون "حرية، كرامة، عدالة"،  و"تقليص صلاحيات الملكية". وكتب على لافتات "الشعب يريد دستورا جديدا".

10.000 personnes manifestants à Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie faisant plus de 100 blessés

Les forces de sécurité ont tiré dimanche à balles réelles et lancé des gaz lacrymogènes sur des milliers de manifestants à Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie, faisant plus de 100 blessés, a indiqué à l'AFP un militant des droits de l'Homme sur place.

"Les forces de sécurité aidées par la police ont tiré à balles réelles sur les manifestants dont le nombre dépasse les 10.000 personnes", a dit ce militant ajoutant que des grenades lacrymogènes contenant des "produits toxiques" ava été lancées.
Deraa, théâtre de manifestations depuis trois jours consécutifs, "est devenu un volcan de feu", criait-il au milieu de la manifestation qui se déroulait dans la vieille ville.

Les forces de sécurité sont aidées par des policiers et des agents ne portant pas d'uniformes, a-t-il ajouté.

La Mosquée al-Omari, devenu "un hôpital de campagne", accueillait les blessés, selon lui.

مبروك مبروك علينا نتائج الاستفتاء على التعديلات الدستورية : مرافبون بلا حدود

الاعتراف بنتيجة الاستفتاء و نزاهته و تعبيره بمصداقية عن إرادة الشعب المصري في سنة أولى حرية بعد ثورة 25 يناير

رصد مراقبون بلا حدود و شبكة المدافعين عن حقوق الانسان و تحالف المجتمع المدني للحرية والعدالة و الديمقراطية و مؤسسة عالم جديد للتنمية و حقوق الانسان عدة ملاحظات خلال اعمال المراقبة الوطنية التطوعية لسير اجراءات الاقتراع للاستفتاء على التعديلات الدستورية يوم 19 مارس 2011 فى التقرير الختامى لمراقبة استغتاء التعديلات الدستورية و شملت الاتى :

• اعتراف مراقبون بلا حدود و شبكة المدافعين عن حقوق الانسان و تحالف المجتمع المدني للحرية والعدالة و الديمقراطية و مؤسسة عالم جديد للتنمية و حقوق الانسان بنيجة الاستفتاء الذى تعلنة اللجنة القضائية المشرفة علية لنزاهتة وحريتة وتعبيرة بمصداقية وموضوعية عن ارادة الناخبين .

• كما يعترف مراقبون بلا حدود و شبكة المدافعين عن حقوق الانسان و تحالف المجتمع المدني للحرية والعدالة و الديمقراطية و مؤسسة عالم جديد للتنمية و حقوق الانسان بنيجة الاستفتاء لدقتة واتمامه فى مناخ انتخابى مناسب وجدل بين التيارات السياسية.

• ويعرب مراقبون بلا حدود و شبكة المدافعين عن حقوق الانسان و تحالف المجتمع المدني للحرية والعدالة و الديمقراطية و مؤسسة عالم جديد للتنمية و حقوق الانسان عن ثقتة فى نتيجة الاستفتاء بسبب الاداء المناسب للقضاة واللجنة القضائية المشرفة علية فى تطبيق جيد لقواعد الحياد والاستقلالية فى ادارة الاستفتاء.

• زيادة المشاركة السياسية للشعب المصرى وحدوث إقبال غير مسبوق بروح وطنية عالية من الشباب و السيدات و الرجال و كبار السن والكهول برغبة و ارادة صادقة وسط حماس شديد للمشاركة فى الاستفتاء في سابقة لم تشهدها مصر من قبل طوال 30عاما، ومؤشرات عن تراوح التصويت بين 26مليون ناخب الى30مليون ناخب ، و هي اعلي نسبة تصويت حقيقية تشهدها مصر.

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) : Bahrain

On Sunday, March 20th 2011, after they visited his father's house, around 20 plain clothes policemen, armed with guns and wearing masks, entered Nabeel Rajab's house at 2:00 am and started to search the house, as Nabeel, his wife and their young children were standing in the bedroom. After a search of 45 minutes, the police confiscated the computers and took some bags, books and Cds.

Nabeel Rajab was then tightly handcuffed in front of his family and taken into the back of a 4x4 car, where he was blindfolded.
For more than one hour, the police kept him in the car and started to insult him and to force him to praise the Bahraini highest authorities, by saying « long live the Prime Minister, I love the Prime Minister ». As he refused to obey the orders, Rajab was insulted once more and kicked in the face by one of the policemen, while another one was threatening to rape him.

After more than one hour of physical and psychological abuse, Nabeel Rajab was transferred to another car, taken to some premices belonging to the Ministry of Interior for interrogation.
There, he was told by an officer that the police were following what he was saying on Twitter and troublemakers like him should leave the country.

He was finally sent back home at 4 am.

Mr Rajab says his wallet is still missing and one of his body is still in pain, especially his ear is sore becaus
guarantee the physical and psychological integrity of Mr. Rajab as well as all members of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights and all human rights defenders in the country;
Put an end to any kinds of harassment against members of the human rights community in Bahrain
Conform with the provisions of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1998 and in particular:
its Article 1, which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”

CODESA :اعتصام عشرات الموظفين الصحرأمام ملحقة تابعة لوزارة الداخلية بالرباط / المغرب

يعتصم منذ 08 فبراير / شباط 2011 مجموعة متكونة من حوالي 89 موظفا صحراويا أمام ملحقة مكلفة بشؤون الصحراء تابعة لوزارة الداخلية المغربية بالرباط ، احتجاجا على تمادي الدولة المغربية في إبعادهم قسرا عن مدنهم بحجة توظيفهم أو تشغيلهم داخل مدن و قرى مغربية.

و بعد أن رفضت الوزارة المعنية التحاور معهم و تلبية مطالبهم، دخل هؤلاء المحتجون في اعتصام مفتوح أمام المقر المذكور تجاوز أسبوعه الثالث دون إحراز أي تقدم في المعركة التي يخوضونها، المؤسسة على ضرورة إرجاعهم فورا إلى مدن الصحراء الغربية و مناطق جنوب المغرب

و أغلب هؤلاء المعتصمين تم توظيفهم بداية من شهر يناير سنة 2010 ، مباشرة بعد الهجوم على المدنيين الصحراويين النازحين بمخيم " اكديم إزيك " و قمع المتظاهرين بمدينتي العيون و المرسى / الصحراء الغربية ، حيث أقدمت الدولة المغربية على توظيف حوالي 600 معطلة و معطلا صحراويا من حاملي الشواهد العليا في قطاعات التعليم و العدل و الصحة و الداخلية و الأوقاف و الشؤون الإسلامية و الفلاحة و المالية

و من ضمن هؤلاء المعتصمين من ظل لعدة سنوات موظفا بمدن داخل المغرب و من هو متزوجا يطالب بالالتحاق بزوجته أو العكس صحيح و منهم من هو معاقبا نتيجة نشاطه الحقوقي أو الاعتقال السياسي بسبب موقفه من قضية الصحراء الغربية.

إن المكتب التنفيذي لتجمع المدافعين الصحراويين عن حقوق الإنسان CODESA، و هو يتابع باهتمام كبير معركة الموظفين الصحراويين و اعتصامهم المفتوح بمدينة الرباط / المغرب، يعلن عن:

\

ـ تضامنه المبدئي مع الموظفين و المعطلين الصحراويين و مع كل الخطوات النضالية الرامية لانتزاع مطالبهم العادلة و المشروعة.

ـ تنديده بسياسة الدولة المغربية المستمرة في الإبعاد القسري للموظفين الصحراويين عن عائلاتهم ووطنهم الصحراء الغربية.

ـ مطالبته الدولة المغربية بفتح حوار فوري و مسؤول مع الموظفين الصحراويين المعتصمين أمام الملحقة التابعة لوزارة الداخلية المغربية و الاستجابة لكل مطالبهم العادلة و المشروعة.

ـ مناشدته المنظمات و الجمعيات الحقوقية و الإنسانية بالتدخل العاجل لدى الدولة المغربية للحد من الإبعاد القسري للمدنيين الصحراويين عن وطنهم و العمل بالتالي على استفادتهم من خيرات الصحراء الغربية و احترام حقهم في تقرير المصير .

LIBYE: LE CONSEIL DE SÉCURITÉ DÉCIDE D’INSTAURER UN RÉGIME D’EXCLUSION AÉRIENNE

http://www.un.org/News/fr-press/docs//2011/CS10200.doc.htm
AFIN DE PROTÉGER LES CIVILS CONTRE DES ATTAQUES SYSTÉMATIQUES ET GÉNÉRALISÉES


Il renforce également l’embargo sur les armes imposé le 26 février et demande

au Secrétaire général de créer un groupe d’experts chargé de superviser l’application des sanctions
Le Conseil de sécurité a décidé, ce soir, d’interdire tous vols dans l’espace aérien de la Jamahiriya arabe libyenne pour protéger la population civile et pour faire cesser les hostilités.

LA SITUATION EN LIBYE


Texte du projet de résolution S/2011/142

To know more,see link.

معلمو الأردن يبدؤون إضرابا مفتوحا

وانكسر حاجز الصمت في سورية : توفيق شما

فهناك ليس جيل الفيسبوك هو من ينزل إلى الشوارع، بل الناس الذين يقولون إنهم متعبون من "الفقر والقمع"

.

لقد بدأت المظاهرات في درعا يوم الجمعة الماضي، حيث اتَّسم رد فعل الشرطة بـ "الوحشي

كانت عدة عائلات قد احتشدت للمطالبة بإطلاق سراح 15 تلميذ مدرسة تأثروا بالانتفاضات التي شهدتها تونس ومصر مؤخرا، فكتبوا على أحد الجدران الشعار الأبرز في الثورات الشعبية التي تشهدها المنطقة: "الشعب يريد سقوط النظام".

يقول السكان المحليون إن توقيف طلاب المدارس أولئك في منطقة عشائرية عمَّق مشاعر القمع، وساعد بصب الزيت على نار الاحتجاجات في درعا.

أمََّا جمعيات حقوق الإنسان، فتقول إن قوات الأمن أطلقت النار على المتظاهرين الجمعة، حيث قُتل ثلاثة منهم، وفارق رابع الحياة السبت متأثرا بجروحه.

ويظهر تسجيل فيديو منشور على موقع "يوتيوب" على شبكة الإنترنت المشاركين في مظاهرة الجمعة وهم يهتفون: "حرية، ما في خوف بعد اليوم".

وفي شريط آخر، يُشاهد أشخاص وهم يحملون جثة عامر الجوابرة المغطاة بالدماء. وعامر هو أحد الأشخاص الذين قُتلوا في الحادث المذكور.

وسرعان ما يُسمع إطلاق نار، ويُرغم الرجال على الهروب من المكان ويتوارون عن الأنظار.

أمَّا السبت، فعادت الشرطة لتستخدم الغاز المسيل للدموع ضد الآلاف الذين خرجوا للمشاركة بتشييع جنازات اثنين من الضحايا.

لكن يبدو أن الشعارات قد أصبحت الآن أكثر حدة وصخبا. فقد دعا المشيِّعون إلى "ثورة"، وهو التحدي الأقسى الذي يواجهه حكام سورية منذ أن اجتاحت الانتفاضات العالم العربي أواخر العام الماضي.

فقد خرج المشيِّعون في مدينة درعا، وهي العاصمة الاستراتيجية لمنطقة جبل حوران، وراحوا يهتفون، وهم يرفعون التوابيت الخشبية البسيطة التي تضم جثماني وسام عيَّاش ومحمود الجوابرة: "ثورة، ثورة. ثوري ثوري يا حوران".

كما ذكرت وكالة رويترز للأنباء أن بعض المتظاهرين رددوا شعارات جاء فيها: "الله، سورية، حرية"، و "من يقتل شعبه فهو خائن".

وقال شهود عيان لـ بي بي سي إن سكان درعا يتوقعون حدوث المزيد من القلاقل خلال الأيام والساعات المقبلة، إذ يبدو أن خطوط الاتصالات قد قُطعت، وكثَّفت قوات الأمن من تواجدها في المدينة.

وقال المحلل والكاتب لؤي الحسين: "لقد وقع الأمر الذي كان لا مفر منه"

وأضاف: "تقع سورية الآن على خارطة دول المنطقة التي تشهد انتفاضات

أمَّا صحيفة الوطن، المقرَّبة من النظام، فتقول إن السلطات قد قررت فتح تحقيق على مستوى رفيع في حادثة يوم الجمعة ومقتل ثلاثة أشخاص فيها.

كما تعهََّدت السلطات أيضا بالاستجابة إلى مطالب الشعب في درعا، والمتمثلة بإطلاق سراح طلاب المدارس المعتقلين.

وفي أعقاب اندلاع الانتفاضتين في كل من تونس ومصر والإطاحة برئيسي البلدين على أثرهما، اتخذت الحكومة السورية عدة إجراءات لتحسين الأوضاع في البلاد.

وقد أخبر الرئيس بشار الأسد صحيفة وول ستريت في مقابلة في شهر يناير/كانون الثاني الماضي أن القيادة السورية "ملتصقة بما يؤمن به شعبها"، وليس هنالك ثمة سخط شعبي في البلاد.

ويقول العديد في سورية إن الأمل يحدوهم بأن تحدث الحكومة تغييرا حقيقيا، وخصوصا لتحسين فرص العمل ورفع مستوى المعيشة.

وتعاني سورية من نفس المشاكل التي تعاني منها تونس ومصر: أي ارتفاع نسبة الفقر، وسيطرة الحزب الواحد على مقاليد السلطة لمدة 50 عاما تقريبا.

George Orwell : If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face – forever.

Hypocrisy and Betrayal by the UN

The Case of Libya
The bombing of Libya will begin on or nearly to the day of the eighth anniversary of the beginning of the destruction of Iraq, 19th March, in Europe. Libya too will be destroyed – its schools, education system, water, infrastructure, hospitals, municipal buildings. There will be numerous “tragic mistakes”, “collateral damage”, mothers, fathers, children, babies, grandparents, blind and deaf schools and on and on. And the wonders of the Roman remains and earlier, largely enduring and revered in all history’s turmoils as Iraq, the nation’s history – and humanity’s, again as Iraq and Afghanistan, will be gone forever.
The infrastructure will be destroyed. The embargo will remain in place; thus rebuilding will be impossible. Britain, France and the US., will decide the country needs “stabilising”, “help with reconstruction.” They will move in, secure the oil installations and oil fields, the Libyan people will be an incidental inconvenience and quickly become “the enemy”, “insurgents”, be shot, imprisoned, tortured, abused – and a US friendly puppet “government” will be installed.
The invaders will award their companies rebuilding contracts, the money – likely taken from Libya’s frozen assets without accounting – will vanish and the country will remain largely in ruins.
And the loudest cheerleaders for this, as Iraq, will be running round television and radio stations in London, Europe and the US, then returning to their safe apartments and their UK/US/Europe paid tenures, in the knowledge that no bombs will be dropping on them. Their children will not be shaking uncontrollably and soiling themselves with terror at the sound of approaching planes.
And this Libyan “Shock and Awe”? Shame on France, shame on Britain and the US and a UN avowed: “… to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.” Every shattered body, every child maimed or blown to bits, every widow, widower, orphan, will have the name of those countries, and the UN written in their blood in their place of death.
And the public of these murderous, marauding Western ram raiders, will be told that we were bringing democracy, liberating Libya from a tyrant, from the “new Hitler”, the “Butcher of Bengazi.”
The countries who have ganged together these last days to overthrow a sovereign government have, again, arguably, conspired in Nuremberg’s: ” … supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole”, and yet again, plotted to overthrow a sovereign government, with a fig leaf of “legality” from an arm twisted UN. We have seen it all before.
In time, it will emerge who was stirring, bribing, de-stabilizing, and likely few will be surprised at the findings. But by then, Libya will be long broken and its people, fleeing, displaced, distraught.
When it comes to dealing with the usual “liberators”, be careful what you wish for. In six months or so, most Libyans, whatever the failings of the last forty years rule, will be ruing the day.

Louis Abelman : Mohammed Nabbous was killed by a Qadaffi sniper

Today we received the news that Mohammed Nabbous, a citizen media activist and one of the great figures of the February 17th youth revolutionary movement, was killed by a Qadaffi sniper while covering the first hours of fighting in Benghazi. His death represents a terrible loss for the movement and for the future of Libya.
We met Nabbous briefly, soon after arriving in Benghazi. As a leader and a member of the Transitional National Council, he gathered a progressive group of activists around him and organized the institution known as the February 17th Revolution Youth Media Center. In that grimy warren of hallways and former interrogation cells, reclaimed from the regime and plastered floor to ceiling with graffiti slogans and cartoons, his name was intoned gravely, even reverently.
In the early days of the rebellion, when regime reprisals were still a possibility for dissenters and fear was widespread, Nabbous single-handedly built a megaphone to the outside world— part television studio, internet relay, and command and control center, streaming images from Benghazi’s Tahrir Square 24 hours a day.
His bravery inspired others to work to give the revolution a voice, and they turned to him constantly for direction; his cell phone rang perpetually. One look could tell you he got very little sleep, if any, in the constant manic flurry of activity required to carry the revolution’s message forward. Despite this he found the time to address our needs, and thank us with deep sincerity for coming to Libya.
He cut a striking figure, tall and suave with a British accent acquired at Oxford, where he studied engineering, and spoke with quickfire brilliance. His was a singular dedication to the revolution and a better future for his country, for which he gave his life, and we mourn him.

اخواني ..اخواتي....نداء عاجل من اخوكم رامي

أهلي واخواني الاعزاء سكان مخيمات لبنان:

بادرت مجموعة من الشباب الفلسطيني الى اطلاق دعوة قبل اسابيع على فيس بوك لتنظيم مسيرات عودة، سلمية و شعبية، من مخيمات الشتات باتجاه حدود فلسطين يوم 15 أيار، في ذكرى النكبة. شخصيا، لا اعرف من هم هؤلاء الشباب و لا مدى مصداقيتهم و جديتهم، لكن جذبتني المبادرة. بعد بحث معين، تأكدت ان مجموعة منهم تواصلت فعلا مع الدكتور سلمان ابو ستة الذي رحب بالفكرة و زودهم بإرشادات سياسية و جغرافية و ادارية، دون ان يضع اسمه على المبادرة لأنه لا يعرف جميع المبادرين و كيف سيتصرفون. الدكتور ابو ستة هو رئيس مؤتمر حق العودة، مناضل معروف و له انجازات ضخمة في هذا الصدد، مثل اصدار "اطلس فلسطين" .
الآن، دعونا نتصور اننا نريد ان ننفذ الفكرة في لبنان حصرا، بصرف النظر عما سيحدث في باقي اقطار الطوق، و من هم هؤلاء "المجهولون" الذين اطلقوها. هل الفكرة مفيدة؟ واقعية و ممكنة؟ اظن انها ممكنة و مفيدة جدا لشعبنا في لبنان على وجه الخصوص. و هذه هي الاسباب من وجهة نظري:

1- تؤكد مسيرة العودة ان شعبنا يناضل من اجل عودته الى ارضه قبل نضاله من اجل حقوقه المدنية. هذا يضعنا في موقع أخلاقي و سياسي متفوق حين نناقش المنطق العنصري و الطائفي في البلد.

2- بحال قرر الجيش او السلطة منع وصول المسيرة الى حدود فلسطين، نعود بشكل سلمي تحت تغطية اعلامية، نحرص ان تكون مكثفة، و هذا يعزز بجميع الاحوال منطقنا و موقفنا.

3- ساهمت الثورة المصرية في حل الكثير من الازمات الاجتماعية و علاج حالة الافلاس الاخلاقي التي كان يعاني منها المجتمع المصري. النضال من اجل قضية وطنية كبيرة لنا، سيساعد حتما على تخفيف التوتر الاجتماعي داخل المخيمات. انه يعيد الوعي بأننا لاجئون و أن بوصلة الشهامة و الكرامة هي ارض فلسطين.

4- الازمات المعيشية و معظم ازماتنا الشخصية هي عارض من عوارض مرض اللجوء، و عليه يجب ان تكون اولوية اي نضال فلسطيني في لبنان هو حق العودة، وقبل النضال من اجل حقوقنا الانسانية و المدنية المعيشية. هكذا نعيد للنضال نبله و مجده!

5- في عصر الثورات العربية، من غير المنطقي ان نغيب عن المشهد و نحن اول من صنع الثورات! الزخم العربي هائل و هو يتضامن معنا، مما سيضاعف من قوتنا حتى لو كنا بضع مئات!

ادعوكم يا اخواني الى تبني مبادرة مسيرة العودة. من سينفذها؟ من سيأتي بالتصاريح اللازمة؟ و الباصات؟ من يمول؟.. الجواب: نحن! علينا ان لا ننتظر احدا. صدقوني لا طاقة بمستوى طاقتنا – نحن من عانينا و نعاني. سأرسل لكم عما قريب مبادرة نعمل على اطلاقها وسط جاليات اميركا الشمالية و اوروبا لاسناد المسيرات، لكن انتم الاساس. انتم قيادة الميدان.

الاقتراح العملي لنا جميعا هو أن:

1- ننظم انفسنا على اساس ان نطلق الباصات تحت يافطة اسم البلد الاصلي في فلسطين، او العائلة او الجمعية الاهلية.. مثلا، باص الصفصاف، او باص عائلة (..)، او باص نادي "" الرياضي..يشارك فيها الشباب و النساء و الشيوخ و الاطفال..كي نقضي يوما كاملا قرب فلسطين.

2- لا يكون هدفنا الصدام او التنافس مع الفصائل التي من المرجح ان تلعب دورا هاما في المسيرات، بل على العكس. نحن يهمنا ان نشجع الشخصيات الوطنية فيها التي تربطنا فيها صلات ثقة كي يتحركوا! نحن نعمل بشكل مواز لأن دورنا هو تشجيع المشاركة الشعبية للعائلات التي لا تريد الانضمام تحت العلم الحزبي او الفصائلي. هذا يمنح قوة للمسيرات و يحفظ سلميتها، و الاهم انه سيبرز طاقة الشباب المستقل تمهيدا لتغيير طال انتظاره فلسطينيا.

3- سنطلق مبادرة وسط جاليات الشتات للمساعدة في تمويل باصات العائلات و الهيئات الاهلية المستقلة. لكن نحتاج الآن الى تنظيم صفوفنا على الارض في مخيمات لبنان. نحتاج الى لجنة تنسيق على مستوى لبنان تتولى: الاتصال فورا بالعائلات والجمعيات الاهلية، خاصة العاملة في مجال حق العودة، للتعاون و الاعداد - الاتصال بالاعلام – الاعداد اللوجستي (حجز الباصات ، اعداد الخرائط و الارشادات، اليافطات، ..) – ادارة الحسابات المالية.

اخواني:

ان كنتم جاهزين للمشاركة في هذا المبادرة، او تعرفون من قد يرغب بذلك من غير المحزبين، و اصحاب الكفاءة و النزاهة، اتمنى ان ترسلوا لي بأقرب وقت ( قبل يوم الجمعة، 25 آذار) الاسماء و وسائل الاتصال ( الهاتف، البريد الالكتروني..) كي اعد قائمة و اوزعها عليكم جميعا ونتعارف و نشبك الجهود و نبدأ العمل على وجه السرعة. تعاوننا المشترك سيكون من انجازات المسيرة الهامة.

آن الاوان، يا اخواني، لنعبر عن انفسنا. كفانا خوفا و قهرا. كل ما نريده هو التعبير عن طموحاتنا و حقوقنا بشكل منظم، سلمي وحضاري.

لا شيء مكفول في النضال، يا اخواني، سوى اننا سنشعر بكرامة اكبر، و معنى ابهى للحياة...

اليوم ....المظاهرات في المغرب ، حولوا اتجاه الكاميرات : الاخبار

وتعتبر مظاهرات اليوم محكا حقيقيا لتعهدات النظام المغربي باحترام حقوق الإنسان وحرية التعبير، وقد دعت "منظمة العفو الدولية" الرباط إلى السماح للمحتجين بالتعبير السلمي عن آرائهم وعدم استخدام العنف اتجاههم.

وأعلنت العديد من التنظيمات المدنية والسياسية مشاركتها في مظاهرات اليوم التي سبق أن دعت إليها حركة 20 فبراير، وذكرت عضو الحركة أمينة بوغالبي في تصريح للجزيرة نت أن أسباب الخروج ما زالت قائمة وأن المملكة لم تقدم بعد على تحقيق مطالب المحتجين.

متظاهر مغربي يرفع لافتة بمظاهرات 20 فبراير تطالب بالعدالة والديمقراطية والحرية

تفادي العنف

وطالبت منظمة العفو الدولية قوات الأمن المغربية بتفادي استخدام العنف ضد المحتجين، وأكدت الجمعة أن هناك "مخاوف من احتمال لجوء السلطات إلى أساليب بطش" لثني الشباب الغاضب عن التعبير عن رأيه.

وكان العشرات قد أصيبوا بجروح في الـ13 من مارس/آذار الجاري بعد استخدام قوات مكافحة الشغب الهريّ لفض تجمعات سلمية أقاموها للمطالبة بإصلاحات سياسية.

وقال نائب مدير منظمة العفو الدولية لمنطقتي الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا "فيليب لوثر" إن "أعمال العنف غير الضرورية التي وقعت الأسبوع الماضي تمثل تراجعا مقلقا، وتخالف وعود ملك المغرب قبل أيام بالقيام بإصلاحات جوهرية وتعزيز حقوق الإنسان".

وقد شهدت مدينة الدار البيضاء الأسبوع الماضي تدخلا أمنيا قويا ضد محتجين أسفر عن اعتقال عدد من شباب حركة 20 فبراير، كما شهدت مدينة خريبكة بوسط البلاد أعمال شغب وتخريب ممتلكات بعد تدخل عنيف للقوات العمومية.

إصلاحات سياسية

وصرح عضو المكتب السياسي لحزب اليسار الاشتراكي الموحد عبد الإله المنصوري للجزيرة نت في وقت سابق بأن زيادة الضغط "ستقرب الشعب المغربي من تحقيق مطالب تغيير النظام السياسي وتحويله من ملكية تنفيذية إلى ملكية برلمانية ديمقراطية".

وسبق أن أكدت رئيسة الجمعية المغربية لحقوق الإنسان خديجة رياضي للجزيرة نت أن أي تدخلات عنيفة ضد المتظاهرين ستكون لها تداعيات "خطيرة" على الوضع السياسي بالبلاد، موضحة أن المقاربة الأمنية "غير مفيدة"..

Yemen: 'Chaos by design'

http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/peopleandpower/2011/03/201131612514814636.html
Yemen is probably the hardest [state in the region] in terms of economic challenges and development challenges. The people of Yemen are the poorest in the region. The state in Yemen is by far the weakest, compared to Libya in the sense of [the] absence of a real state, real institutions.


I think that in a way, the grievances are similar, whether it is Egypt or Yemen or Libya or Tunisia, in that people are disempowered; people are marginalised. And the few at the very top monopolise the power and the wealth of the country, the level of corruption in Yemen is … definitely worse than Egypt and maybe as bad as Libya.

In terms of the social indicators, the Yemeni society is very backward. Only 35 per cent of the population is in major cities; the rest are rural. The level of education, believe it or not, in terms of literacy, Yemen and Egypt are almost equal. But in terms of education at large, Yemen falls behind. The number of qualified confident university graduates is much smaller in Yemen than it is in Egypt.
The middle class is very small in Yemen. That is a serious constraint on social mobilisation. The middle class has been basically disseminated by the ruling elite because they saw it as a potential political competitor so they made every effort to ensure the middle class disappears, by impoverishing the people, making them easier to control.

Ahmed Masoud: Was I switched at birth? : Ahmed Masoud

After Ahmed Masoud was born in Gaza, the hospital was bombed. His father rushed to the special care unit – but did he take home the right baby?
I had a very happy childhood in a very large family, with five sisters and six brothers. I'm right in the middle, which is a good place to be. But we lived in one of the worst places on Earth – the Gaza Strip in Palestine – and when I was six, in 1987, the first intifada started. There were continual searches and raids on Palestinian homes and hospitals. Some years we hardly went to school at all. The whole school would be out throwing stones at military Jeeps. It was a game for us, but a very dangerous game.
Ahmed Masoud. Photograph: Teri Pengilley for the Guardian





In this situation, my mum was the one who held the family together. My father was an Arabic teacher in an elementary school, but he was often not at home; he would be taken away and questioned and then a few days later be brought back. But every evening my mum would play cards with us and she became a child again, like us. Her sense of humour was brilliant. We could hear gunfire outside but my mum would stay calm, or get more competitive with the cards, and you'd forget about the gunfire and focus on the game instead. Looking back, I see how she provided us with a bubble to stay away from all the troubles outside.

So despite everything going on outside I had a happy childhood. But all this changed when I was 17.

One day I came home from school and turned on the TV. There was a programme about Palestinian refugees and how their families were fragmented because of the troubles, and it talked about how children and babies were mixed up in hospitals.

I looked at my mother and she was electrified – her mouth was open, her eyes were staring and she looked like a ghost. I knew there was something she wasn't telling me. My dad, too, was staring at the screen. I could see that behind his glasses there was a tear coming down. I hadn't seen my dad cry before, and to see his tears falling down his cheek was terrifying to me.

Then he wiped his eyes and held my hand, and my mum's hand, and he started telling the story about what happened when I was born.

At the time, the hospital was being raided and I was evacuated to a special care unit before my mum had even seen me. My dad heard news that the hospital was being bombed and went straight there. When he arrived he was told the room and cot number where he could find me. He ran as fast as he could, but when he got there, he found not one but two babies in the cot. He didn't know which one was his – the one on the left or the one on the right. There was no time to make a decision. He had to take one. He wondered whether the number they had given him was a mistake, but when he looked around all the other cots were crammed with babies too. And he had to make that decision. So he picked me up. Even now, if you ask him, he can't answer why he picked me and not the other baby.

He went back to my mum and she wrapped me up, and they ran with me through the streets back home. He didn't say anything to her until they got home. My mum just put me to her breast and began to feed me. That bond, that love, that motherly feeling was there. The more she looked at me and fed me, the more she was sure I was her son.

I listened to all this in complete shock. In a way I wish they had told me I wasn't their son, that I was adopted, because it would have been easier to deal with. But to leave it hanging there without an answer! Even today I don't know whether I am the biological son of my parents. There is always the possibility that I belong to another family. Not knowing was really difficult for me. So I got extremely angry with them and began to shout at them about why they hadn't told me before. My mum said: "But you are our son. You could go and do a DNA test but I know it. You are my rightful son. I feel it in my heart." So her perspective was that she didn't tell me because she knew I was her son. Then my mum's defence shifted to anger, saying: "What if the other person wants you – how would we deal with that? I've looked after you, I've loved you, even if you belong biologically to other parents, you are still my son."

I slammed the door behind me, and left the house. I headed for the sea and sat there for a long time watching the waves, thinking about the whole thing, thinking about my relationship with my brothers and sisters. I've always looked different from them. But I could still be their biological brother – we are nine children after all, we all look different. And that feeling of sadness shifted to a feeling of anger. But what if I am in the wrong family? What could I be now, would I be in Gaza, would I be dead, what do my parents look like? All of these thoughts started to burn inside me and I got more and more angry with my parents. I decided I didn't want to go home; I didn't want to see my parents. I felt homeless, family-less. I didn't belong anywhere.

On reflection, there were many times when my mother gave me extra attention. She did it subtly, without showing I was different. I have darker skin than my siblings, and my hair is much darker as well. I remember my older brother used to make fun of my thick, black hair because he had fine, lighter hair. Once, as boys, we were laughing and brushing our hair in the mirror. My mother just came and took the brush out of my hand and brushed my hair, and said: "It's the best hair in the world." So I think there were many situations when she treated me with extra care, extra attention.

I left home and went to live with my older sister for three months. I was going to school from her house, and then to a building site in the evenings to make some money to pay for school. But the more I talked to my sister, her point of view was: "Why does it matter? You are my brother. Do you want to forget all the 17 years we've known each other? I don't want to." That connected with my mother's words – "You are my son." Slowly, I began to accept it.

At the end of three months, I went down to the beach again. My sister phoned my mother and said: "He's ready now."

My mother knew where to find me – my favourite place, where I went fishing as a boy. She just came and sat by me and looked at the waves. It sounds a very unrealistic, romantic story but that's exactly what happened. I was sitting there watching the sea and suddenly my mother was sitting there. And I needed that so much. She just said: "How's school?" The normal question a mother asks. And I said yes, school was fine. And she said: "OK, what do you want to have for dinner tonight?"

I just found myself standing up and walking with her. She was smiling and her headscarf was flying in the air. I remember that smile on her face. It was almost like the smile of a bride just about to get married. She was so happy that she was bringing her son back. Then we got in a taxi and went home.

When we arrived my sisters and brothers started taking the piss: "Hello, stranger, this is not your house – what are you doing here?" Everyone started to laugh and we moved on from there.

Sometimes I think I'll do that DNA test just out of curiosity. But then I think – why? What if I find something I don't want to find? Am I going to start a whole journey to find out who my parents are? It's a romantic thought, but would it be fair for my mum who's suffered so much for her son and her family? Before I was born, my mum lost a child of six, my elder sister. She was run over by a military Jeep. She felt guilty about that – that she didn't manage to stop the Jeep. I didn't want her to lose another child. I would rather just give her the faith that she's done the right thing and I am her rightful son.

Sometimes I feel I am a different person, almost a copy of me living in a different world and watching myself. Sometimes I think of the other baby who is me – where is he now? It would be amazing if we could meet. But what if something horrible has gone wrong in his life? Do I really want to find out the truth? It might hurt a lot of people just to satisfy my curiosity. It would feel like I was betraying my mum if I try to find my real biological mum. It would be a huge insult to everything she's done for me. Maybe later when she's not here. But I don't want her love and faith to be challenged by my curiosity.

The relationship between mother and son is so sacred in my culture. In my culture we say that heaven is underneath the feet of mothers; which means that in order to get to the highest point of heaven, you have to worship your mother's feet – it is that sacred.

Three years after the whole story came out, when I was 20, I left Gaza to come to London to do my postgraduate study. I'm the only person in my extended family with a master's and a PhD, and it was a miracle that I managed to come to Britain. But again the question of finding my real parents surfaced. I felt like a complete stranger in London; lots of people I met didn't even know where Gaza is. I was speaking English and living in a new culture, and so I wondered again, who the hell am I? I thought about DNA testing, which is so much more available here. But how would I be able to do that and risk hurting my mother? I missed my mum so much. There was still a lot to discuss, a lot of things to explore with her. I needed more time with her to re-bond again, somehow.

When I left, I was told I would never be able to go back to Gaza and my mum knew that – it was heart-breaking to her. For the first six months, every time we spoke on the phone she broke down in tears. After six months, I rang my eldest brother and said "I can't bear it any more, you have to stop her crying." I made sure I sent her my graduation photographs and certificate, and she was proud and framed them and put them on her wall, in a gallery of pictures of places. And suddenly there was a new bond; a bond of friendship. We somehow became friends.

Four years after I came to London I met my wife, Heather. I had been raising money to fund my studies by organising fund-raising parties in nightclubs; one night I was short of dancers, and she joined the dance act. Though she trained as a dancer she's a businesswoman – she runs her own company, importing Fairtrade olive oil from Palestine. So at least she knew where Gaza was.

Our son Zino is 16 months old; he looks English but acts Palestinian – if he wants something, he really goes for it. When Heather was pregnant I was really hoping he would look like me. But he looks like an English boy with a tan. It will be very challenging for him to be accepted back in Gaza, looking so English. My wife is half-American, half-English; Zino has a British passport, but I'd like him to have an American one and a Palestinian one too. I speak Arabic to him as well as English. When Zino is 16 or 17, I'd like him to be able to choose who he is – English, American or Palestinian. So it's very important to me that he is able to choose his identity when he grows up – the way I did.

In 2009, my mum was diagnosed with colon cancer. It nearly took her life. She went through major surgery in Gaza and that's when I thought, I have to get back whatever it takes. The border suddenly opened for three days and I flew to Cairo; from there I went to Gaza. It was an amazing reunion. I was so worried she would be lying there sick and tired, unable to speak. Instead she was at home. She was standing at the top of the stairs and ululating: "My son is home!" It was just brilliant. Then I spent a lot of time with her in the hospital. My siblings said: "OK, it's your turn. You've been away nine years. Now it's your turn to take care of her," which is fair enough.

So I spent time with her in hospital when she was having chemotherapy. She had to stay two days a week. And it was almost like a place of sanctuary; we just re-bonded, talking and talking. She was asking questions about my life in London and about Heather, looking at the pictures. I was stuck in Gaza for a long time – three months – because the border was shut. Slowly she got more energy and more desire for life. I would like to think I gave her that.

I promised her that I would bring her over for a visit. Now she's been given the all-clear from cancer and she's ready to come. She needs to meet my son and my wife. She wants to come and see her son and what he's achieved in London.

It's very difficult for me to say what I believe – whether I am her son or not. I think I believe I am. Given all the love she's given me and what we've been through together, yes, that tells me I am her son. But there is always that question. What if? I can't deny that. If I am not her true biological son, what would my biological mother look like? All these questions … They burn me from the inside. There is always that curiosity. It's tempting to find out. But it's a big risk. It's like gambling. You could win or you could end up in debt for the rest of your life. And I'm not a good gambler. So I choose to believe and I want to believe that I am her son and she is my mother.

I feel closer to my mother now. We have both gone through such a lot. To make that decision, to say "This is my son," was an enormous act of faith. As a father myself now, I don't know how I would behave if I were in that situation, but I understand her more. I understand that huge love for her son – because it's the same love I have for mine.