To follow Pepe's article on the Libyans and Bahrainis sheikh, rattle and roll , please click here.
http://atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MC17Ak01.html
The outlook is grim. There won't be regime change. Instead, there will be a tsunami of blood. The US cavalry won't come to the rescue. And we will all duly watch it on al-Jazeera like silent sheep.
The "enlightened" West has just sent a message to the rebelling Libyan people; Muammar Gaddafi's forces will have to dissolve you into a sea of blood before we decide to do anything. And even if we do, it may be too late. Sorry.
As for the African king of kings, he just had to slightly step on the gas to overtake those stone pillars of bureaucratic inertia - the United Nations, the European Union, the Arab League; now he's on a roll, after Ajdabiya has practically fallen, only 150 kilometers away from Benghazi along a virtually empty desert road. Liberated eastern Libya is sheikh, rattled and rolled.
Gaddafi called the West's bluff - and he's winning. He laughed on the abject Anglo-French failure to impose a no-fly zone (not that he cared; he prefers to use heavy artillery and tanks). He saw the White House's inertia as the House of Saud savagely preempted last Friday's "Day of Rage." He registered the White House silence as Saudi Arabia invaded Bahrain on Monday.
He noticed how, for Washington, regime change is unthinkable in both Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. And as much as the West wants regime change in Libya, he concluded, they won't risk anything to accomplish it. He might have glanced at the Economist Intelligence Unit democracy index and noticed that Libya ranks 158th, and Saudi Arabia 160th. We're equals - he must have thought; we both have oil; and we won't go down.
In both Libya and Bahrain the great 2011 Arab revolt seems to have reached the red line. Regime change stops here - with the House of Saud ranked at the top of the Arab dictatorial pyramid, followed by its minions, the Gulf kingdoms and sheikhdoms.
The cherry in the hypocrisy cake is that last week Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) foreign ministers declared that Gaddafi's regime had become "illegitimate". They called on the Arab League to "shoulder its responsibilities in taking necessary measures to stop the bloodshed" - even as Bahrain's repression machine had already shot unarmed civilians and Saudi Arabia's had threatened to do the same.
And don't expect Qatar's al-Jazeera to the rescue; it is favorably covering the Saudi invasion of Bahrain, after largely ignoring weeks of protests. Call it the GCC's esprit de corps. Bahrain's King Hamad al-Khalifa has declared a three-month state of emergency - which apologists insist is not martial law - and authorized the head of his armed forces to do whatever it takes to quell the protests, as in killing his own people.
Watch the red lines
To see more, go to the link.
Thursday, March 17, 2011
جوجل" يحتفل بذكرى ميلاد سيد درويش : على حسان
احتفل محرك البحث المصرى"جوجل" بذكرى ميلاد الموسيقار المصرى الراحل سيد درويش، وذلك بوضع صورة له وسط العلم المصرى على شكل ألحان مكتوب عليه النشيد الوطنى للبلاد أعلى محرك البحث.
يأتى ذلك تزامناً مع نجاح ثورة 25 يناير، والتى تعتبر من أهم الأحداث فى التاريخ المصرى الحديث، ووجهت نظر العالم كله تجاهها، والتى انتهت بإسقاط النظام الحاكم الذى استمر لمدة 30 عاماً، حيث دفع محرك البحث العالمى بوضع النشيد الوطنى للبلاد خلفية له.
يذكر أن الموسيقار سيد درويش اسمه الحقيقى السيد درويش البحر هو مجدد الموسيقى وباعث النهضة الموسيقية فى مصر والوطن العربى.
ولد سيد درويش فى الإسكندرية فى 17 مارس 1892 وتوفى فى 10 سبتمبر 1923 بدأ ينشد مع أصدقائه ألحان الشيخ سلامة حجازى والشيخ حسن الأزهرى، التحق بالمعهد الدينى بالإسكندرية عام 1905 ثم عمل فى الغناء فى المقاهى.
واقتبس درويش من أقوال الزعيم مصطفى كامل بعض عباراته وجعل منها مطلعا للنشيد الوطنى "بلادى بلادى بلادى لك حبى وفؤادى" ولحن أيضا نشيدا وطنيا من نظم مصطفى صادق الرافعى، ومطلعه:
بنى مصر مكانكم تهيأ
فهيا مهدوا للملك هيا
خذوا شمس النهار حليا
كما لحن فى مناسبة أخرى أناشيد وطنية قال فيها:
"أنا المصرى كريم العنصرين
بنيت المجد بين الأهرامين
جدودى أنشئوا العلم العجيب
ومجرى النيل فى الوادى الخصيب
لهم فى الدنيا آلاف السنين
ويفنى الكون وهم موجودين".
Bahrain Freedom Movement : American and British arms used to kill peaceful Bahrainis
The use of the American-made and supplied Apache helicopter gunships, the British-made and supplied tear gas canisters and guns and various other weapons has exposed the catastrophic moral and ethical downfall of all involved in the attack on the unarmed civilians of Bahrain. The latest episode of the all out war started at around 4.00 am GMT with massive attacks from the air and land at the peaceful protesters at the Pearl Square, many of whom were asleep. They were hit with salvo of tear and nerve gases, live ammunition and rubber bullets. Hundreds have so far been injured and many killed. Among those confirmed to have lost their lives are Jaffar Ali Salman, 31, from Karranah and Ahmad Abdulla Hassan, 23, from Hamad Town. The Pearl Square has been scorched by the invading Saudi army.
The Salmaniyah Hospital has been overstretched as the injured taken for treatment of the horrific wounds. It had already been overcrowded from yesterday as the Saudi invaders unleashed their revenge against the people of Bahrain. The private international Hospital also opened its doors for emergency treatment. Makeshift hospitals were opened by the people, one of which is in Matam Khamis in Sanabis. Calls were made for blood donation as the Saudi and Al Khalifa killers opened fire with no mercy on Bahrainis.
The past 48 hours have been amongst the worst in the history of Bahrain as Death Squads roamed the towns and villages, wielding swords, axes, iron bars and wooden sticks and attacked Bahrainis. Last night residents were attacked inside their homes in several villages, including Malikiyah, Sitra, Nuwaidrat, Bani Jamra, Masha, Daih, Karzakkan, Dar Kulaib and others. There are plenty of images clearly showing these vicious militias attacking and destroying people’s lives and property. The American and British ambassadors in Manama have failed to take moral stands against what the Bahraini natives see as genocide by the Al Khalifa.
Feelings of despair have continued as it became clear that Robert Gates, the American Secretary of State for Defence, had given the green light for the Saudis to carry out their invasion and to use the American weapons. He was in Bahrain on Saturday 12th March, once day before the bloody attack on the demonstrators near the financial harbor in which one civilian was killed and more than 1000 injured. Yesterday, Washington insisted on defending the Saudi aggression and refused to accept that it was an “invasion”. The Saudis and the Al Khalifa could not have deployed their American and British-made and supplied weapons without the approval of the American officials. There is country-wide revulsion at the indifference to the value of human life shown by those officials who had sided with the Al Khalifa hereditary dictatorship.
The Salmaniyah Hospital has been overstretched as the injured taken for treatment of the horrific wounds. It had already been overcrowded from yesterday as the Saudi invaders unleashed their revenge against the people of Bahrain. The private international Hospital also opened its doors for emergency treatment. Makeshift hospitals were opened by the people, one of which is in Matam Khamis in Sanabis. Calls were made for blood donation as the Saudi and Al Khalifa killers opened fire with no mercy on Bahrainis.
The past 48 hours have been amongst the worst in the history of Bahrain as Death Squads roamed the towns and villages, wielding swords, axes, iron bars and wooden sticks and attacked Bahrainis. Last night residents were attacked inside their homes in several villages, including Malikiyah, Sitra, Nuwaidrat, Bani Jamra, Masha, Daih, Karzakkan, Dar Kulaib and others. There are plenty of images clearly showing these vicious militias attacking and destroying people’s lives and property. The American and British ambassadors in Manama have failed to take moral stands against what the Bahraini natives see as genocide by the Al Khalifa.
Feelings of despair have continued as it became clear that Robert Gates, the American Secretary of State for Defence, had given the green light for the Saudis to carry out their invasion and to use the American weapons. He was in Bahrain on Saturday 12th March, once day before the bloody attack on the demonstrators near the financial harbor in which one civilian was killed and more than 1000 injured. Yesterday, Washington insisted on defending the Saudi aggression and refused to accept that it was an “invasion”. The Saudis and the Al Khalifa could not have deployed their American and British-made and supplied weapons without the approval of the American officials. There is country-wide revulsion at the indifference to the value of human life shown by those officials who had sided with the Al Khalifa hereditary dictatorship.
اخبار العالم العربي في الصحف البريطانية مصر، البحرين ، العراق، اليمن، ليبيا،السعودية وايران : مشارقة
شغلت التحولات في العالم العربي، سواء السياسية كما هو الحال في مصر، أو الأمنية والميدانية كما هو الحال في ليبيا والبحرين، الصحف البريطانية الصادرة صباح الخميس، حيث نشرت الفايننشال تايمز، تقريراً عن الأوضاع في العالم العربي، مشيرة إلى أن ردود الفعل العنيفة التي اتخذها القادة العرب، خاصة في ليبيا، والبحرين، ضد المتظاهرين المطالبين باصلاحات سياسية، سيقلب الأوضاع ويزيد من حالة الغضب لدى الجمهور العربي.
وكتبت رولا خلف في الـفايننشال تايمز ، تقول إن رد فعل المحتجين على الموقف الغربي، يذكر باحباط الأكراد والشيعة في العراق، ما بعد 1991 عندما ثاروا ضد نظام الرئيس العراقي السابق صدام حسين، والذي بدوره ارتكب مجزرة بحقهما، ولم يتدخل الغرب، على العكس مما حدث في العام 2003، حينما غزت الولايات المتحدة الأميركية العراق. وترى خلف إن ما يحدث في ليبيا شبيه بما حدث في عام 1991 في العراق.
وكتب كولين فريمان من القاهرة في صحيفة الديلي تلغراف ، أن مفهوم المساءلة يترسخ في مصر، بعد سنوات طويلة، لم تكن فيها مثل هذه الممارسة سائدة، ولكنه يشير إلى تخوفات ما زالت قائمة في الشارع المصري، من عودة النظام القديم، بوجوه جديدة.
وكتب أيضا سيمواس ملين، في الغارديان يقول أنه ومع النجاح النسبي للإصلاح في مصر، وتجمده في ليبيا، فإن يشير إلى أن المخاوف بأن الأنظمة العربية ذاتها تضع قناعاً ديمقراطية، ما زالت قائمة، فإن اللحظة التاريخية في العالم العربي ما زالت قوية، وأن قيام نظام ديمقراطي شعبي في القاهرة، قد يدفع بتغيير المنطقة برمتها. ويرى ملين أن الأنظمة العربية، كلما قدمت تنازلات "تجميلية"، كلما دفعت إلى زيادة المطالب الشعبية.
وفي الشأن اليمني، تقول افتتاحية الـفايننشال تايمز أن أربعة عوامل رئيسية تساعد الرئيس اليمني علي عبدالله صالح في البقاء بالسلطة، رغم الاحتجاجات المتزايدة في اليمن، أولى العوامل هي أن اليمن دولة ريفية، حيث أن 3 من أصل عشرة يعيشون في المدن، وهو ما يجعل التعبئة السياسية مسألة صعبة.
واما العامل الثاني هو أن المعارضة ممزقة وبلا قيادات. والعامل الثالث يرتبط بأن الولايات المتحدة ترى بصالح حليفاً قوياً في مواجهة الإسلاميين المسلحين، ولذا فهي تدعمه. وأما العامل الرابع فهو أن شبكة المصالح التي شكلها صالح مع شيوخ الدين وزعماء القبائل ما زالت قوية.
ولكن بالمقابل، ترى الصحيفة، أن الضغط يتزايد على صالح، وبالتالي، فإن على الطرفين الجلوس وفتح الحوار، وعلى صالح أن يقدم تنازلات من قبيل إقالة أقاربه الذين عينهم في مواقع مختلفة من السلطة.
وتقول الصحيفة أن استمرار التوتر قد يقود اليمن باعتباره دولة محافظة دينياً وقبلياً إلى حرب أهلية تضطر فيها كل من السعودية وإيران إلى التدخل مما يخلق "كونغو مصغرة"، تشهد حرباً أهلية تكون حرباً بالنيابة عن قوى إقليمية.
Iraqi man jailed for five years on spurious terror charges
Walid Yunis Ahmad, who had already been detained without trial for 11 years, was
convicted of "sending orders and instructions from prison to his followers in
Kirkuk and Mosul to carry out terrorist attacks in Dohuk in 2009" by the
criminal court in Dohuk on Thursday.
"Walid Yunis Ahmad has been sentenced after a one day trial in which his lawyer
was not allowed to question “secret informants” whose testimony the court
accepted and which provides the basis for the charges that appear to have been
fabricated against him," said Malcolm Smart, director of Amnesty International's
Middle East and North Africa programme.
"The Kurdistan authorities must end this travesty of justice now, order his
immediate release and drop all charges against him.”
Although he has been held continuously since 2000, his detention was unlawful
until 4 February 2010, leading the trial court to ignore those 10 years and
decide that his five year sentence should be considered to start from the date
when his detention became lawful, leaving him almost four years more to serve.
“Walid Yunis Ahmad is now being made to pay a further cost for having been
detained unlawfully by the Kurdistan authorities, yet those who detained him
unlawfully all those years have not been held to account.”
“Instead of prolonging his imprisonment, the authorities should be compensating
him for the years he has spent behind bars unlawfully and for no good reason,
and for torture he endured in the first years of his detention.”
Walid Yunis Ahmad’s lawyer told Amnesty International that he will appeal the
verdict.
Walid Yunis Ahmad was arrested on 6 February 2000 by the Asayish, the Kurdistan
security police, in Erbil, capital of Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region,
after he was given a lift in a car that allegedly contained explosives. He was
on his way home from a meeting of the Islamic Movement in Kurdistan, a legal
opposition party. He has always denied any knowledge of the explosives. The
driver of the car was detained but later released without charge.
No charges were brought against Walid Yunus Ahmad until 2010 when he was accused
of terrorism-related offences allegedly committed while he was in prison on the
basis of information said to have been given to an investigative judge by
"secret informants" whose identities have not been disclosed. They were not
called to give evidence in court today.
According to these "secret informants", Walid Yunis Ahmad was linked to
explosives that were discovered in Dohuk in 2009.
However, no other arrests have been made in relation to these explosives and
those who reported them denied any knowledge of Walid Yunis Ahmad.
Following his arrest in February 2000, Walid Yunis Ahmad was subject to enforced
disappearance for three years before his family found out where he was being
detained and was tortured, kept in solitary confinement and moved from prison to
prison.
He is now held at the Asayish prison in the city of Dohuk. Amnesty International
delegates visited him in prison in Erbil in June 2010.
convicted of "sending orders and instructions from prison to his followers in
Kirkuk and Mosul to carry out terrorist attacks in Dohuk in 2009" by the
criminal court in Dohuk on Thursday.
"Walid Yunis Ahmad has been sentenced after a one day trial in which his lawyer
was not allowed to question “secret informants” whose testimony the court
accepted and which provides the basis for the charges that appear to have been
fabricated against him," said Malcolm Smart, director of Amnesty International's
Middle East and North Africa programme.
"The Kurdistan authorities must end this travesty of justice now, order his
immediate release and drop all charges against him.”
Although he has been held continuously since 2000, his detention was unlawful
until 4 February 2010, leading the trial court to ignore those 10 years and
decide that his five year sentence should be considered to start from the date
when his detention became lawful, leaving him almost four years more to serve.
“Walid Yunis Ahmad is now being made to pay a further cost for having been
detained unlawfully by the Kurdistan authorities, yet those who detained him
unlawfully all those years have not been held to account.”
“Instead of prolonging his imprisonment, the authorities should be compensating
him for the years he has spent behind bars unlawfully and for no good reason,
and for torture he endured in the first years of his detention.”
Walid Yunis Ahmad’s lawyer told Amnesty International that he will appeal the
verdict.
Walid Yunis Ahmad was arrested on 6 February 2000 by the Asayish, the Kurdistan
security police, in Erbil, capital of Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region,
after he was given a lift in a car that allegedly contained explosives. He was
on his way home from a meeting of the Islamic Movement in Kurdistan, a legal
opposition party. He has always denied any knowledge of the explosives. The
driver of the car was detained but later released without charge.
No charges were brought against Walid Yunus Ahmad until 2010 when he was accused
of terrorism-related offences allegedly committed while he was in prison on the
basis of information said to have been given to an investigative judge by
"secret informants" whose identities have not been disclosed. They were not
called to give evidence in court today.
According to these "secret informants", Walid Yunis Ahmad was linked to
explosives that were discovered in Dohuk in 2009.
However, no other arrests have been made in relation to these explosives and
those who reported them denied any knowledge of Walid Yunis Ahmad.
Following his arrest in February 2000, Walid Yunis Ahmad was subject to enforced
disappearance for three years before his family found out where he was being
detained and was tortured, kept in solitary confinement and moved from prison to
prison.
He is now held at the Asayish prison in the city of Dohuk. Amnesty International
delegates visited him in prison in Erbil in June 2010.
Bahreïn :
Militaires dans les rues, tous les magasins et restaurants sont fermés, difficultés pour s'approvisionner en nourriture.
Arrestations de 8 leaders d'opposition (7 confirmées par Bahrain Youth Society For Human Rights) :
1- Hassan Mushaima -Secretary-General of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy ( Haqq)
2- Ebrahim Sharif - Secretary-General of the National Democratic Action Society ( Waad )
3- Abdul Wahab Hussein - President of the Alwafa Islamic movement
4- Abd-Jaleel Sangaece - Board member of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy.
5-Saeed Al Nuri - Cleric and political activist.
6- Abdul Hadi Al Mukhuther - Cleric and political activist
7- Hassan Al-Haddad - member of the Committee of the Unemployed
Arrestation non confirmée de Mohammed Habib - Cleric and political activist
Arrestations de 8 leaders d'opposition (7 confirmées par Bahrain Youth Society For Human Rights) :
1- Hassan Mushaima -Secretary-General of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy ( Haqq)
2- Ebrahim Sharif - Secretary-General of the National Democratic Action Society ( Waad )
3- Abdul Wahab Hussein - President of the Alwafa Islamic movement
4- Abd-Jaleel Sangaece - Board member of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy.
5-Saeed Al Nuri - Cleric and political activist.
6- Abdul Hadi Al Mukhuther - Cleric and political activist
7- Hassan Al-Haddad - member of the Committee of the Unemployed
Arrestation non confirmée de Mohammed Habib - Cleric and political activist
Ces enfants étrangers dont Israël ne veut pas-Strangers no more : AL-Aoufok
La petite Esther est soulagée. Elle a un sursis. Israël a décidé de reporter, jusqu’à la fin de l’année scolaire, son expulsion du pays et celle de 399 autres enfants de travailleurs étrangers. Il faut dire que le documentaire dont elle est l’une des vedettes a obtenu un Oscar à Hollywood. Strangers no more de Karen Goodman et Kirk Simon montre la vie quotidienne à l’école Bialik-Rogozin de Tel-Aviv, un établissement qui reçoit les enfants de travailleurs immigrés et réfugiés africains à partir de la maternelle.
À l’annonce de la récompense américaine, les politiques et le public israélien ont applaudi à tout rompre, comme s’il s’agissait d’un produit made in Israël. Ils oubliaient au passage l’annonce de l’été dernier par le ministère de l’Intérieur des ordres d’expulsion émis à l’encontre de centaines d’enfants de travailleurs étrangers et de leurs parents, dont 120 écoliers de Bialik-Rogozin.
Ironie de l’histoire : le jour même de l’Oscar, la presse israélienne annonçait la mise en place à l’aéroport international Ben-Gourion, près de Tel-Aviv, d’un centre de rétention où les enfants en cours d’expulsion seraient détenus jusqu’à leur montée dans l’avion. En dépit des murs décorés avec les personnages préférés des petits et des salles de jeux, c’est une prison qui a commencé à fonctionner. Ainsi, après leur arrestation, le week-end dernier, une Nigériane et sa fille de six mois y ont été enfermées. Soixante-douze heures après, elles étaient mises de force dans un avion. Direction : le Niger.
Selon les estimations officielles, il y aurait en Israël entre 250 000 et 400 000 travailleurs étrangers. La moitié d’entre eux seraient des clandestins, menacés d’être à tout moment arrêtés et renvoyés dans leur pays d’origine. Même chose pour leurs enfants, qu’ils soient nés en Israël ou parlent couramment l’hébreu. Pour ne pas être expulsés, ils doivent être depuis plus de cinq ans dans le pays et intégrés au système scolaire public, et ceci, à partir du cours préparatoire. Six cents d’entre eux rentrent dans ces critères. Restent 500 à 600 autres enfants - moins de cinq ans en Israël ou pas encore scolarisés -, dont les 400 qui viennent de bénéficier d’un sursis jusqu’à l’été prochain.
Mais la menace se vit au quotidien. "Hallucinant, ignoble, en violation totale de la convention internationale sur les droits de l’enfant dont Israël est signataire." De l’Unicef-Israël aux associations locales d’aide aux sans-papiers, on n’a pas de mot pour qualifier les situations inextricables dans lesquelles se débattent des tas de familles. Exemple : Rachel, venue des Philippines en février 2002. Après la mort de la vieille dame dont elle s’occupait en 2007, elle a perdu son visa de travail.
Aujourd’hui, elle a deux enfants, nés en Israël, Eilon, 5 ans et demi, et Maria, 2 ans. Eilon fait partie des 400 dont l’expulsion a été reportée jusqu’à l’été. La petite Maria et sa maman sont, elles, "expulsables" à tout moment.
'Gaddafi's son near death in hospital' : JR/MB
Sulaiman Duga has told Al-Arbia news channel that Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi, should take care of his seriously wounded brother instead of making claims of victory against opposition forces.
Gaddafi's son sustained severe burn injuries on Tuesday after a defected pilot attacked Bab al-Azizia, a military barracks situated in the southern suburbs of Tripoli.
Reports say he is fighting death in a hospital in Tripoli.
The remarks come after Saif al-Islam claimed that regime's forces have retaken the opposition-controlled Western city of Misrata.
Moreover, Saif al-Islam has also asserted that revolutionaries holed up in the eastern city of Benghazi will be defeated within the next 48 hours.
The city has come to be known as the capital of the Libyan Revolution and is home to the interim Transitional National Council.
The National Libyan Transitional Council has warned of a massacre in Benghazi if the international community does not intervene.
Meanwhile, thousands have been killed in Gaddafi regime's continuing crackdown on opposition protesters ever since the Libyan uprising began in mid-February.
يو بي آي : البحث عن مراسلي نيويورك تايمز في ليبيا؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟
فقدت صحيفة نيويورك تايمز أمس الأربعاء أربعة من مراسليها في ليبيا بينهم مدير مكتب الصحيفة في بيروت أنطوني شديد. وحصل محررو الصحيفة على معلومات تفيد بأن المراسلين في مدينة أجدابيا الساحلية بشرق البلاد.
وقال المحرر التنفيذي في الصحيفة بيل كيلير إنه لم يتم التأكد من أن المراسلين قد احتجزوا على يد قوات تابعة للحكومة الليبية.
وأضاف كيلير أنه تم الحديث مع مسؤولين في الحكومة الليبية بطرابلس "وأبلغونا أنهم يحاولون تحديد مكان صحفيينا, وسيتم الإفراج عنهم على الفور دون أن يتعرضوا لأي أذى".
وقالت الصحيفة إن المراسلين المفقودين هم مدير مكتب بيروت أنطوني شديد الفائز بجائزتي بوليتزر عن فئة المراسلين الأجانب، والمراسل ستيفن فاريل الذي اعتقلته حركة طالبان عام 2009 وأنقذه كوماندوس بريطاني، بالإضافة إلى مصورين هما تايلر هيكس ولينسي أداريو اللذين عملا لفترة طويلة في الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا.
Romandie News : Bahreïn: les forces de sécurité encerclent le principal hôpital
MANAMA - Les forces de sécurité encerclaient jeudi le principal hôpital de Manama malgré les protestations de l'ONU qui a dénoncé la prise de contrôle de centres médicaux comme une violation des lois internationales.
Des policiers aux casques blancs contrôlaient les accès routiers menant au Centre médical Salmaniya, interrogeant les arrivants mais ne les empêchant pas de pénétrer dans l'hôpital, selon un correspondant de l'AFP sur place.
Au sud de la capitale, à Sitra, le Dr Amina Hasan, a indiqué à l'AFP que le centre médical local n'avait reçu que jeudi 15 blessés touchés la veille par balles lors de heurts avec les forces de l'ordre, précisant qu'ils n'avaient pu être transportés mercredi car la police avait bloqué les routes.
La télévision d'Etat a indiqué que les forces de sécurité avaient "nettoyé" l'hôpital des "saboteurs", après l'assaut sanglant de la police contre les manifestants chiites sur la Place de la Perle dans le centre de Manama.
Selon l'opposition, trois personnes ont été tuées et des dizaines blessées au cours de cet assaut.
Le ministre de la Santé de Bahreïn, Nizar Baharna, a annoncé mercredi sa démission, après l'entrée de la police dans l'hôpital de Manama où étaient retranchés des manifestants chiites.
Des défenseurs des droits de l'homme ont accusé les forces de sécurité d'avoir empêché les blessés d'accéder aux hôpitaux et d'avoir frappé les médecins qui tentaient de leur venir en aide dans les rues.
La Haut commissaire de l'ONU aux droits de l'homme Navi Pillay a dénoncé à Genève la prise d'assaut des hôpitaux et des centres médicaux par les forces de l'ordre bahreïnies, commise en "violation flagrante" de la législation internationale.
Mme Pillay est "profondément alarmée par l'escalade de la violence commise par les forces de sécurité au Bahreïn, en particulier par la prise d'assaut signalée d'hôpitaux et de centres médicaux", selon un communiqué.
"Mon bureau a reçu des appels désespérés et des courriels de nombreuses personnes à Bahreïn, terrifiées par les intentions des forces armées", a-t-elle ajouté, évoquant des "arrestations arbitraires, des assassinats, des passages à tabac de manifestants et personnel médical".
Des policiers aux casques blancs contrôlaient les accès routiers menant au Centre médical Salmaniya, interrogeant les arrivants mais ne les empêchant pas de pénétrer dans l'hôpital, selon un correspondant de l'AFP sur place.
Au sud de la capitale, à Sitra, le Dr Amina Hasan, a indiqué à l'AFP que le centre médical local n'avait reçu que jeudi 15 blessés touchés la veille par balles lors de heurts avec les forces de l'ordre, précisant qu'ils n'avaient pu être transportés mercredi car la police avait bloqué les routes.
La télévision d'Etat a indiqué que les forces de sécurité avaient "nettoyé" l'hôpital des "saboteurs", après l'assaut sanglant de la police contre les manifestants chiites sur la Place de la Perle dans le centre de Manama.
Selon l'opposition, trois personnes ont été tuées et des dizaines blessées au cours de cet assaut.
Le ministre de la Santé de Bahreïn, Nizar Baharna, a annoncé mercredi sa démission, après l'entrée de la police dans l'hôpital de Manama où étaient retranchés des manifestants chiites.
Des défenseurs des droits de l'homme ont accusé les forces de sécurité d'avoir empêché les blessés d'accéder aux hôpitaux et d'avoir frappé les médecins qui tentaient de leur venir en aide dans les rues.
La Haut commissaire de l'ONU aux droits de l'homme Navi Pillay a dénoncé à Genève la prise d'assaut des hôpitaux et des centres médicaux par les forces de l'ordre bahreïnies, commise en "violation flagrante" de la législation internationale.
Mme Pillay est "profondément alarmée par l'escalade de la violence commise par les forces de sécurité au Bahreïn, en particulier par la prise d'assaut signalée d'hôpitaux et de centres médicaux", selon un communiqué.
"Mon bureau a reçu des appels désespérés et des courriels de nombreuses personnes à Bahreïn, terrifiées par les intentions des forces armées", a-t-elle ajouté, évoquant des "arrestations arbitraires, des assassinats, des passages à tabac de manifestants et personnel médical".
Provided by @ihagha : Notes from Gamal Al Ghitani Seminar at Egypt’s Cultural Center in Paris, France.
Mr. Ghitani had plenty of praise for the youth, and their discipline and organization that allowed them to confront the state security and prevail, even though the disappearance of all security and police forces from the street was still a mystery to him, and probably a ploy to instill chaos especially when coupled with the release of the prisoners and the letting loose of state-sponsored thugs on the streets.
He next proceeded to compare this revolution to that of 1919, which witnessed a similar mobilization of nearly the entire population of Egypt, even though in that revolution there was a clear head, a revered symbol in Saad Zaghlool, while this one had no head or leader.
The former president, Hosni Mubarak, received his fair share of criticism, although Mr. al-Ghitani told an anecdote in which he saw Mubarak in a book fair during the early days of his presidency, and noticed they wearing the same vest, which cost no more than 50 Egyptian pounds (about 10 dollars) at the time. When he asked the president about it, he said that it covers him as well as the most expensive suit. “Compare that to these last few years, in which he had hundreds of suits flown in at a time from London and Paris!”
As the author moved to describe the last days of Mubarak’s reign, he stressed that this revolution was still on-going and not over. On the other hand, he had high praise for the army and said that when he heard that the high council of the armed forces was in a state of “permanent convention”, he knew it was game over.
“By the end, when the protesters decided to move to the presidential palace, I feared a massacre, but I later figured out that at that time, the army gave Mubarak one of two choices: Either you resign, or we arrest you on the spot.”
During the question and answer session, Mr. al-Ghitani was asked who he prefers as a new president. To the cheers of many, he indirectly pointed at Amr Moussa as being a “75 year old employee of Mubarak” who will be a disaster for Egypt. He also took a swipe at el-Baradei (but got his age wrong) when he said “someone who is nearly 80 and hadn’t lived in Egypt for a long time shouldn’t be president.” “Are we so lacking in Egypt that we only have these two as choices for a president?” He said he wants to see a president emerge from the youth who led the revolution. “Remember, Nasser was 34 on the eve of the 1952 revolution.”
On answering the question of whether he prefers parliamentary or presidential elections first, he said he’d prefer a transitional council mixed between military and civilians, to oversee things for 1-2 years until the leaders of the youth movement emerge and are ready to take over. “Let’s not overcook things and elect a president within a few months lest we end up with another dictator.”
With regard to the second article of the constitution, which stipulates that Islam is the religion of the state, he said he is against it as he advocates a fully civil state. He also said that the Muslim Brotherhood should be treated just as any other political party to see what their true representation is within the population. “However, if we hold the elections right here and now with no other true political party having emerged yet, the elections will be skewed in their favor.”
He next proceeded to compare this revolution to that of 1919, which witnessed a similar mobilization of nearly the entire population of Egypt, even though in that revolution there was a clear head, a revered symbol in Saad Zaghlool, while this one had no head or leader.
The former president, Hosni Mubarak, received his fair share of criticism, although Mr. al-Ghitani told an anecdote in which he saw Mubarak in a book fair during the early days of his presidency, and noticed they wearing the same vest, which cost no more than 50 Egyptian pounds (about 10 dollars) at the time. When he asked the president about it, he said that it covers him as well as the most expensive suit. “Compare that to these last few years, in which he had hundreds of suits flown in at a time from London and Paris!”
As the author moved to describe the last days of Mubarak’s reign, he stressed that this revolution was still on-going and not over. On the other hand, he had high praise for the army and said that when he heard that the high council of the armed forces was in a state of “permanent convention”, he knew it was game over.
“By the end, when the protesters decided to move to the presidential palace, I feared a massacre, but I later figured out that at that time, the army gave Mubarak one of two choices: Either you resign, or we arrest you on the spot.”
During the question and answer session, Mr. al-Ghitani was asked who he prefers as a new president. To the cheers of many, he indirectly pointed at Amr Moussa as being a “75 year old employee of Mubarak” who will be a disaster for Egypt. He also took a swipe at el-Baradei (but got his age wrong) when he said “someone who is nearly 80 and hadn’t lived in Egypt for a long time shouldn’t be president.” “Are we so lacking in Egypt that we only have these two as choices for a president?” He said he wants to see a president emerge from the youth who led the revolution. “Remember, Nasser was 34 on the eve of the 1952 revolution.”
On answering the question of whether he prefers parliamentary or presidential elections first, he said he’d prefer a transitional council mixed between military and civilians, to oversee things for 1-2 years until the leaders of the youth movement emerge and are ready to take over. “Let’s not overcook things and elect a president within a few months lest we end up with another dictator.”
With regard to the second article of the constitution, which stipulates that Islam is the religion of the state, he said he is against it as he advocates a fully civil state. He also said that the Muslim Brotherhood should be treated just as any other political party to see what their true representation is within the population. “However, if we hold the elections right here and now with no other true political party having emerged yet, the elections will be skewed in their favor.”
د. محمد عبد الشفيع عيسى :الوجه الآخر لثورة ليبيا الراهنة وسيناريو الغزو الأمريكي للعراق
أجل التحليل الموضوعى للواقع الليبي الراهن ، يلزم عرض (الوجه الآخر) للواقع ، مما لم يعرض له المحللون بما يكفي من الموضوعية . وفيما يلي نعرض لبعض معالم الوجه الآخر (المسكوت عنه)، حتى لو بدونا كأننا نسبح خارج التيار السائد، أو نغرد بعيداً عن السرب الطائر .
أولا : اختلاف الســـــــياق الليبي للثورة عن السياقين المصري والتونسي والذين برهنا على تشابه يدعو إلى الدهشة حقاً . ففي ليبيا نلحظ أن "الاحتجاج" أو "التظاهر" على الطريقة المصرية أو التونسية ، وخاصة في المنطقة الشرقية ، وحاضرتها بنغازي ، لم يستمر طويلاً، ربما استمر يوماً واحداً أو يومين ، وسرعان ما لحقه إلى جانب (الانقلاب الأمني) دخول مباشر في دوامة (العنف والعنف المضاد) عن طريق الصدامات المسلحة والدموية . وقد حدث ذلك بفعل واقعة لم تتوفر في تونس ومصر ، وهى الانشقاق الذاتي لأجهزة الأمن الداخلي والجيش ، بل وفي مؤسسة الحكم أيضا، وجهاز الدبلوماسية الخارجية .
ولعله هنا تكمن نقطة بارزة في التفارق بين حالة ليبيا وحالة كل من تونس ومصر. ، ففي البلدين الآخيرين ظلت المؤسسة العسكرية متماسكة جداً ، وتحركت تجاه الأحداث بوصفها "مؤسسة"، مما كان له أثره البالغ في تحديد مسار الأحداث التالية ، و أهم ما يميزه تلك السلاسة النسبية في التوجه نحو ما يسمى " الانتقال السلمي للسلطة " . أما في ليبيا فلم تكن هناك مؤسسات بالمعنى الصحيح في أي مجال، بما في ذلك المجال العسكري ، فكان من اليسير جداً انشقاقها وعودتها إلى "حالة الأصل" من حيث الانتماءات الشخصية والقبلية والمناطقية .. ولذا سرعان ما تحول الاحتجاج الواسع المتصاعد إلى استيلاء على مخازن السلاح والذخيرة ، وسيطرة على الأراضي ، وقدرة على الرد والردع بالقوة المسلحة ، مع دعم سياسي وتعبوي من القيادات السياسية المنشقة من داخل النظام .
ثانيا : اختلاف الأوزان النسبية والأدوار للقوى السياســية الإسلامية في أحداث ليبيا، عنها في كل من مصر وتونس . فرغم قوة تيار (الإخوان المسلمين) في مصر ، و(حركة النهضة) في تونس إلا أنهما حافظا على دعم المسيرة السلمية لانتقال السلطة ، بل وأعلنتا عدم نية أي منهما للترشح على مقعد رئاسة الجمهورية . أما في ليبيا فيبدو أن التيار السياسي الاسلامي – والذي يقول أنصار القذافي إنه مدعوم من " القاعدة " – قد أسهم بحركية نشيطة في عملية السيطرة على بعض أجزاء المناطق الشرقية ، وخاصة في مدينتي درنة والبيضاء، وهو ما ترك بصماته على "الخطاب الاعلامي والثقافي " في المدينتين، في لحظات معينة، وربما في غيرهما .
ثالثا : بروز الدور الأساسي للبث الفضائي وجهاز التليفزيون ، في الحالة الليبية، من حيث تعبئة الرأي العام المحلي والعربي والدولي ضد النظام الحاكم في ليبيا القذافي .. مقابل الدور الأساسى لـ "الإنترنت" وشبكات التواصل الاجتماعي مثل (فيـــس بوك) في حالتي مصر وتونس .
وقد قامت القنوات الفضائية – وخاصة من الإعلام الخليجي (الجزيرة و العربية) والإعلام الدولي (وخاصة "هيئة الإذاعة البريطانية" و"الحرة" الأمريكية وحتى "روسيا اليوم" و "فرنسا24 ") بأداء دور متساوق مع حركة الاحتجاج العنيفة والعارضة المسلحة، دون أن تترك أية فرصة حقيقية لنظام القذافي للدفاع عن نفسه . وظل الأمر على هذا الحال حتى بدأ السماح للمراسلين العرب والأجانب بالدخول وتغطية الأحداث من الجانب الرسمي، اعتبارا من 26/2/2011 تقريباً ، ولكن بدون "توازن" في عملية التغطية المهنية .
ولهذا يمكن القول إن الإعلام الفضائي الخليجي والغربي كان شريكا مباشراً فى صنع الأحداث ، وليس مجرد الإخبار عنها ، وذلك في غير مصلحة نظام القذافي بطبيعة الحال .
رابعا : دور العامل الخارجي
بدت القوى الخارجية، وخاصة الغربية (أوروبا – أمريكا) حائرة ومرتبكة خلال الأيام الأولى للأحداث الليبية، ولكن مع ظهور العلامات الأكيدة على حدوث انشقاق خطير داخل النظام ، وخروج المنطقة الشرقية من قبضته تماماً ، واهتزاز الوضع السياسي والأمني في غرب البلاد والوسط ، أخذت دول التحالف الغربي تجمع أمرها على إرغام نظام القذافي على الاستسلام، و خاصة فى 25 و26/2/2011 .
وبغض النظر عن (سيناريو الغزو الأمريكي للعراق) والذي يبدو غير متصور في حالة ليبيا الراهنة، وإن بدت بعض تفاصيله محتملة ، مثل ترحيب (معارضة الخارج) بالتدخل الأجنبي للخلاص من حاكم مستبد – فإن هناك عدة (سيناريوهات) محتملة من الجانب الغربي لتطور الأزمة الليبية، وظهر السيناريو الأقرب لفكر التحالف الغربي على أنه مزيج من عدة مشاهد هي :
أ – (المشهد السوداني – الدارفوري) القائم على الإحالة للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية وإصدار أمر من مدعى عام المحكمة بالقبض على رؤوس النظام العليا، بالإضافة إلى دعم قوة المعارضة المسلحة بكل ما يلزم، وربما إرسال قوة "حفظ السلام" إلى ليبيا كقوة هجين من أفريقيا والعالم الخارجي ، بموافقة من مجلس الأمن، تحت طائلة "الفصل السابع" من ميثاق الأمم المتحدة، والذى سبق إشهاره في عدة حالات غنية عن البيان، وسبق إشهاره ضد النظام الليبي نفسه بمناسبة (أحداث لوكيربي) .
ب- المشهد الخاص بيوغوسلافيا السابقة وصربيا ، أي تجهيز قوة التدخل العسكري من حلف الأطلنطي دون انتظار للأمم المتحدة ، إن تبينت صعوبة هذا التدخل من جانب مجلس الأمن؛ هذا بالإضافة إلى سمة أخرى من سمات ذلك المشهد ، بالتشجيع على تفكك الدولة. وكما تجزأت يوغوسلافيا، فإن ليبيا قابلة جغرافيا وسياسياً للإنشطار بكل سهولة – نسبياً – إلى دويلات منفصلة في كل من الشرق والغرب والجنوب .
ج- المشهد العراقي في عهد صدام حسين ، وذلك بفرض منطقة لحظر الطيران فوق ليبيا كلها أو بعض مناطقها .
د- المشهد الصومالي من زاوية معينة، هي السماح بانفصال فعلي للمنطقة الشرقية مثلاً ، أو جزء منها ، وتكوين حكومة فيها (مؤقتة أو غير مؤقتة) وجلب اعتراف فعلي بها De facto مثل : (جمهورية أرض الصومال) وربما اعتراف قانوني De Jure من البعض .
هـ- يضيف بعض معارضي النظام "تفصيلة طريفة" مستمدة من الخبرة الأمريكية للتعامل مع حاكم بناما الأسبق ( نورييجا) والذي تم اختطافه من بلده ومحاكمته في الولايات المتحدة والحكم عليه بالسجن هناك .. مما يضيف مهزلة أخرى إلى مهازل المشاهد المحتملة.
وبصدور قرار مجلس الأمن في 27 /2/2011 بفرض عقوبات مالية ، ومنع القائد الليبي و بعض أبنائه ورجاله من السفر، مع الإذن بالإحالة الى المحكمة الجنائية الدولية و إبلاغ "الشرطة الدولية"– ثم بإعلان بعض قادة بنغازي حكومة مؤقتة برئاسة وزير العدل الليبي السابق ، ثم تشكيل"مجلس انتقالي"، وتأكيد وزيرة الخارجية الأمريكية أنهم على اتصال بالمنطقة الشرقية وعلى استعداد لتقديم الدعم الضروري – بكل ذلك ، أصبحت أرضية الواقع الليبي مجهزة لنفاذ مشهد مركب من المشاهد السابقة ، لا نعلم ملامحه بالتفصيل الآن .
ولئن كان نظام القذافي مسئولاً عن الظروف التي سهلت للقوى الأجنبية تدخلها ، فإن هذه القوى الغربية تحديداً ، وخاصة محور "أوروبا – أمريكا" ، ويجمعهما عسكرياً "حلف الأطلنطي"، هي القوى المسئولة مباشرة عما سوف يلحق بليبيا من تدمير خلال المرحلة القادمة سعياً إلى السيطرة على النفط الليبي والتحكم في مصادر القوة "الجيوبوليتكية" لليبيا في الإطار العربي والأفريقي . وندعو الله أن يجنب ليبيا الشقيقة كل مكروه، وأن يلهم أبناءها جميعاً القدرة على تجاوز الأزمة الراهنة بأقل قدر من الخسائر على الأرض والشعب . ولتكن مصالحة وطنية شاملة، تقيم نظاما سياسيا جديدا تماما، نظاما جمهوريا برلمانيا عصريا، هي المدخل الحقيقي لبناء ليبيا الجديدة، على أساس توافقي حقيقي بين الجميع .
Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights
confirmed arrests of opposition leaders ( until now ) :
1- Hassan Mushaima -Secretary-General of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy ( Haqq)
2- Ebrahim Sharif - Secretary-General of the National Democratic Action Society ( Waad )
3- Abdul Wahab Hussein - President of the Alwafa Islamic movement
4- Abd-Jaleel Sangaece - Board member of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy.
Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights concerned about the possibility of arrest of Mohammed Maskati (President of the BYSHR)and active members in the BYSHR.
1- Hassan Mushaima -Secretary-General of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy ( Haqq)
2- Ebrahim Sharif - Secretary-General of the National Democratic Action Society ( Waad )
3- Abdul Wahab Hussein - President of the Alwafa Islamic movement
4- Abd-Jaleel Sangaece - Board member of the Movement of Liberties and Democracy.
Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights concerned about the possibility of arrest of Mohammed Maskati (President of the BYSHR)and active members in the BYSHR.
Kurdistan comes alive : Ranj Alaaldin
http://www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/ranj-alaaldin/kurdistan-comes-alive
Despite its unique circumstances, Kurdistan has not been immune to the chain of protests across the middle east. Ranj Alaaldin expresses hope that the movement will help build upon, rather than set back, the region's nascent democratic institutions.
Over the past few weeks the Kurdistan region of Iraq has hosted its own series of Arab-world inspired protests. They have been taking place since 17 February and have resulted in at least five deaths and more than 100 wounded. They present, in dramatic fashion, a fresh set of opportunities and challenges for the future of the region, its people and traditional power-holders the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the former the party of current Iraqi president Jalal Talabani and the latter of Kurdistan region president Massoud Barzani.
Kurdistan has now seen it all: umpteen anti-government uprisings throughout its history, civil war in the mid-1990s and liberation in 2003. In the post-Saddam era, stability and economic potential distinguished it as the ‘other Iraq’. Exciting and sparkling in the early years of post-2003 Iraq, that story had run its course and the Kurdish people have found themselves in a somewhat stagnated Kurdistan, stuck between the traditional KDP-PUK dominated Kurdistan with its age-old problems of corruption and rivalry with Baghdad, and the new and vibrant post-2003 Kurdistan that secured liberation from Saddam and offered potential riches.
Combined with the region’s opposition movement Gorran (Change), which controls 25 seats in the 111-member parliament, the protests have given Kurdistan a new lease of life. Yet, they are no new phenomena but an extension of past waves of protest. In 2006, for example, violent protests against government neglect took place in Halabja, the town that, 23 years ago today on March 16 1988, lost thousands when it fell victim to a poison gas attack. Additionally, just four months ago, students demonstrated in front of the ministry of higher education, attempted to storm the building and threw stones at the ministry building. More than their counterparts elsewhere in the region, the Kurds have already long embraced and exercised their right to protest.
To see more go to the link
Despite its unique circumstances, Kurdistan has not been immune to the chain of protests across the middle east. Ranj Alaaldin expresses hope that the movement will help build upon, rather than set back, the region's nascent democratic institutions.
Over the past few weeks the Kurdistan region of Iraq has hosted its own series of Arab-world inspired protests. They have been taking place since 17 February and have resulted in at least five deaths and more than 100 wounded. They present, in dramatic fashion, a fresh set of opportunities and challenges for the future of the region, its people and traditional power-holders the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the former the party of current Iraqi president Jalal Talabani and the latter of Kurdistan region president Massoud Barzani.
Kurdistan has now seen it all: umpteen anti-government uprisings throughout its history, civil war in the mid-1990s and liberation in 2003. In the post-Saddam era, stability and economic potential distinguished it as the ‘other Iraq’. Exciting and sparkling in the early years of post-2003 Iraq, that story had run its course and the Kurdish people have found themselves in a somewhat stagnated Kurdistan, stuck between the traditional KDP-PUK dominated Kurdistan with its age-old problems of corruption and rivalry with Baghdad, and the new and vibrant post-2003 Kurdistan that secured liberation from Saddam and offered potential riches.
Combined with the region’s opposition movement Gorran (Change), which controls 25 seats in the 111-member parliament, the protests have given Kurdistan a new lease of life. Yet, they are no new phenomena but an extension of past waves of protest. In 2006, for example, violent protests against government neglect took place in Halabja, the town that, 23 years ago today on March 16 1988, lost thousands when it fell victim to a poison gas attack. Additionally, just four months ago, students demonstrated in front of the ministry of higher education, attempted to storm the building and threw stones at the ministry building. More than their counterparts elsewhere in the region, the Kurds have already long embraced and exercised their right to protest.
To see more go to the link
Bahrain: Evidence of security forces’ brutality revealed
Amnesty International today revealed evidence of the Bahraini security forces’ systematic use of excessive force in cracking down against protesters, as fresh violence left as many as eight people dead.
In a new report released today, Bloodied but Unbowed: Unwarranted State Violence against Bahraini Protesters, the organization documents how security forces used live ammunition and extreme force against protesters in February without warning and impeded and assaulted medical staff trying to help the wounded.
The report, which is based on firsthand testimonies given to an Amnesty International team in Bahrain, comes as the country is gripped by further violence, after Saudi Arabian and UAE forces entered the small Gulf state three days ago and Bahrain's King declared a national state of emergency.
"It is alarming to see the Bahraini authorities now again resorting to the same tactics that they used against protesters in February but on an even more intensive scale,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International’s director for the Middle East and North Africa.
“It appears that the government has decided that the way to deal with protests is through violent repression, a totally unsustainable position and one which sets an ominous example in a region where other governments are also facing popular calls for change."
"The authorities must exercise proper control over the security forces, uphold and protect the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, including the right to peaceful protest."
Dr Hani Mowafi, a US medical doctor who was part of the Amnesty International team, found a pattern of fatal and serious injuries during February’s violence showing that the security forces used live ammunition at close range, and apparently targeted protesters’ heads, chests and abdomens. They also fired medium-to-large calibre bullets from high-powered rifles on 18 February.
The worst violence before today took place early on the morning of 17 February, when five people were killed. Witnesses told Amnesty International that, in scenes that would be repeated on 16 March, tanks blocked access to the Pearl Roundabout as police used shotguns as well as tear gas, batons and rubber bullets to disperse protesters, many of whom were camping there.
One witness told Amnesty International that on 17 February riot police were shooting from different angles, including from a bridge over the roundabout, while protesters desperately ran for cover.
Among the injured were people clearly identifiable as medical workers, who were targeted by police while trying to help wounded protesters at or near the roundabout.
On 3 March Bahrain’s Minister of Social Development, visiting London, told Amnesty International that the Bahraini government was holding an investigation into the killings that would report directly to the King, and that two members of the security forces had been taken into custody. Amnesty International is calling for an independent investigation that is both thorough and transparent.
All the actions of the security forces against protesters since February must be fully and independently investigated. Those responsible for ordering and unleash lethal force against peaceful protesters must be identified and held to account.”
"There must be no impunity for unlawful killings, assaults and other abuses against both protesters and medical staff."
Amnesty International has identified some of the ammunition found in the aftermath of the raid on Pearl Roundabout on 17 February.
They include US-made tear gas canisters, US-made 37mm rubber multi-baton rounds, French-made tear gas grenades, and French-made rubber “dispersion” grenades, which fragment into 18 pieces and produce a loud sound effect.
Amnesty International called on governments who supply weapons to Bahrain to immediately suspend the transfer of weapons, munitions and related equipment that could be used to commit further human rights violations, and to urgently review all arms supplies and training support to Bahrain’s military, security and police forces.
Following the Bahraini security forces’ use of unwarranted force against protesters, the UK government revoked some licences for arms exports to Bahrain, and the French authorities have suspended the export of security equipment to Bahrain.
In a new report released today, Bloodied but Unbowed: Unwarranted State Violence against Bahraini Protesters, the organization documents how security forces used live ammunition and extreme force against protesters in February without warning and impeded and assaulted medical staff trying to help the wounded.
The report, which is based on firsthand testimonies given to an Amnesty International team in Bahrain, comes as the country is gripped by further violence, after Saudi Arabian and UAE forces entered the small Gulf state three days ago and Bahrain's King declared a national state of emergency.
"It is alarming to see the Bahraini authorities now again resorting to the same tactics that they used against protesters in February but on an even more intensive scale,” said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International’s director for the Middle East and North Africa.
“It appears that the government has decided that the way to deal with protests is through violent repression, a totally unsustainable position and one which sets an ominous example in a region where other governments are also facing popular calls for change."
"The authorities must exercise proper control over the security forces, uphold and protect the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly, including the right to peaceful protest."
Dr Hani Mowafi, a US medical doctor who was part of the Amnesty International team, found a pattern of fatal and serious injuries during February’s violence showing that the security forces used live ammunition at close range, and apparently targeted protesters’ heads, chests and abdomens. They also fired medium-to-large calibre bullets from high-powered rifles on 18 February.
The worst violence before today took place early on the morning of 17 February, when five people were killed. Witnesses told Amnesty International that, in scenes that would be repeated on 16 March, tanks blocked access to the Pearl Roundabout as police used shotguns as well as tear gas, batons and rubber bullets to disperse protesters, many of whom were camping there.
One witness told Amnesty International that on 17 February riot police were shooting from different angles, including from a bridge over the roundabout, while protesters desperately ran for cover.
Among the injured were people clearly identifiable as medical workers, who were targeted by police while trying to help wounded protesters at or near the roundabout.
On 3 March Bahrain’s Minister of Social Development, visiting London, told Amnesty International that the Bahraini government was holding an investigation into the killings that would report directly to the King, and that two members of the security forces had been taken into custody. Amnesty International is calling for an independent investigation that is both thorough and transparent.
All the actions of the security forces against protesters since February must be fully and independently investigated. Those responsible for ordering and unleash lethal force against peaceful protesters must be identified and held to account.”
"There must be no impunity for unlawful killings, assaults and other abuses against both protesters and medical staff."
Amnesty International has identified some of the ammunition found in the aftermath of the raid on Pearl Roundabout on 17 February.
They include US-made tear gas canisters, US-made 37mm rubber multi-baton rounds, French-made tear gas grenades, and French-made rubber “dispersion” grenades, which fragment into 18 pieces and produce a loud sound effect.
Amnesty International called on governments who supply weapons to Bahrain to immediately suspend the transfer of weapons, munitions and related equipment that could be used to commit further human rights violations, and to urgently review all arms supplies and training support to Bahrain’s military, security and police forces.
Following the Bahraini security forces’ use of unwarranted force against protesters, the UK government revoked some licences for arms exports to Bahrain, and the French authorities have suspended the export of security equipment to Bahrain.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)