http://counterpunch.com/prashad02222011.html
Yet another revoltt against neoliberals, if not neoliberalism.
The main face of the neo-liberal agenda was Shokri Ghanem, who would be removed as Prime Minister of the cabinet in 2006 for the more important role as head of the National Oil Corporation. Ghanem aggressively pushed for foreign investment into the oil sector, and hastened to implement the Exploration and Production Sharing Agreements with companies that ranged from Occidental Petroleum to China National Petroleum. Britain’s Tony Blair and France’s Sarkozy went to kiss Ghanem’s ring and pledge finance for oil concessions. It is the reason why the British government freed the alleged Lockerbie bomber and that Berlusconi bowed down before Omar al-Mukhtar’s son in 2008 and handed over $5 billion as an apology for Italian colonialism. In his characteristic bluntness, Berlusconi said that he apologized so that Italy would get “less illegal immigrants and more oil.”
Alongside Ghanem is Qaddafi’s son, Saif, who wrote a dissertation at the London School of Economics in September 2007 on “The Role of Civil Society in the Democratization of Global Decision Making: from “soft” power to collective decision making” (the work was advised remarkably by David Held). Saif argued for the need to give NGOs voting rights at the level of international decision making, where otherwise the United States and its Atlantic allies hold sway. The “essential nature” of NGOs, he argued, is to be “independent critics and advocates of the marginal and vulnerable.” To allow NGOs to temper the ambitions of the North is far more “realistic,” Saif argued, than to hope to transform international relations. That kind of realism led to his faith in the “reforms” and in his recent call for the harshest armed violence against the protests in Tripoli and Benghazi. “Civil Society,” in the language of neo-liberalism, is restricted to the work of establishment NGOs that are loath to revise settled power equations. The ragged on the streets are not part of the “civil society”; they are Unreason afoot.
Saturday, February 26, 2011
The tribes against the bunker : Pepe Escobar
The hard truth?
A huge graffiti in liberated Benghazi reads "No to the tribal system". That's wishful thinking.
Libya's is a tribal revolution. It was not, and it is not, being led by young urban intellectuals, like in Egypt, or by the working class (most of it in fact composed of foreign workers). Even though the actors of the anti-Muammar Gaddafi uprising may be a mix of ordinary Libyans, educated and/or unemployed youth, a section of the urban middle classes and defectors from the army and the security services, what trespasses all them is the tribe. Even the Internet, in the Libyan chapter of the great 2011 Arab revolt, has not been an absolutely decisive actor.
Libya is tribal from A to Z. There are 140 tribes (qabila), 30 of them key, one of them - Warfalla - boasting 1 million people (out of a population of 6.2 million). Often, they bear the names of the cities they come from. Colonel Gaddafi now says that the Libyan uprising is an al-Qaeda plot driven by hordes on milk and Nescafe spiked with hallucinogenic drugs. Reality is less lysergic; it's a concert of tribes that ultimately will bring down the African king of kings.
A huge graffiti in liberated Benghazi reads "No to the tribal system". That's wishful thinking. Libyan army officers are a collection of tribal notables seduced or bribed by Gaddafi, according to a strict divide and rule strategy, since the birth of the regime in 1969. In both Tunisia and Egypt the army was key in the fall of the dictator. In Libya, it's much more complicated. The army is not so important compared to paramilitary militias - private and mercenary - led by Gaddafi's sons and relatives.
Gaddafi and his "modernizer" son Saif have already played the only cards they have left, short of genocide; sedition (fitna) and Islamism, much in Hosni Mubarak-style, as in "either me or chaos". In the case of the Gaddafi clan, it goes like this: without me, it's either civil war - in fact fabricated by the regime itself - or Osama bin Laden (invoked as the deus ex machina by Gaddafi himself). Most tribes are not buying this "god out of the machine" ploy.
Gaddafi's prospects are grim. The Awlad Ali tribe, on the Egyptian border, is against him. Az Zawiyya has been against him since early this week. Az-Zintan, 150 kilometers southwest of Tripoli, revolves around the Warfalla; they are all against him. The Tarhun tribe - which, crucially, includes more than 30% of Tripoli's population - is against him. Sheikh Saif al-Nasr, former head of the Awlad Sulaiman tribe, went on al-Jazeera to call southern tribal youngsters to join the protesters. Even some people from his own, small tribe, Qadhadfa, are now against him.
Killing civil society
The tribe - with their clans and subdivisions - is the only institution that for centuries has regulated the society of those Arabs who have lived in the regions of the Italian colonizers, in the early 20th century, called Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan.
After Libya became independent in 1951, there were no political parties. During the monarchy, politics was all about tribes. But then Gaddafi's 1969 revolution reframed the political role of the tribes; they became just the guarantor of cultural and religious values. The ideology of Gaddafi's revolution revolved around socialism - with the people, theoretically, as the subject of history. Political parties were also discarded. Enter the popular committees and the popular congress. The old elite - tribal elders - was isolated.
But tribalism struck back. First because Gaddafi decided posts in the administration had to be distributed by tribal affiliation. And then, during the 1990s, Gaddafi renewed alliances with tribal leaders; he needed them "to get rid of mounting opposition and assorted traitors". Enter the "popular social commandos" - who fought corruption, solved local disputes and ended up enshrining the tribe as a political actor.
Gaddafi made sure he had an iron-clad alliance with the Warfalla. And by using a strategy centered in a slogan - "armed people" - he managed to tame the army. The key posts in the secret service were handed to his tribe - Qadhadfa - and one of his revolutionary companion's, the Maqariha. This essentially meant these two tribes monopolized all the key sectors of the economy, and eliminated - literally - any opposition.
The inevitable result of this tribal political system was the smashing of a civil society based on democratic institutions. The educated middle class was left with nothing. Then came the United Nations embargo - which lasted for a decade. The economy - already in bad shape - spiraled down; there was never any decent redistribution of the oil and gas wealth. Inflation and unemployment shot up. The rhetoric was always of "direct democracy"; the reality was the few "winners" were part of a reactionary state bourgeoisie, be they reformists, led by Saif; conservatives (faithful to Gaddafi's Green Book); or technocrats (those eyeing juicy deals with foreign corporations).
Year zero in Cyrenaica
No wonder the uprising started in Benghazi - which was kept out of any development strategy, in a region, Cyrenaica, with absolutely lousy infrastructure compared to Tripolitania.
Now the officially called Jamahiriya - the "state of the masses" - is about to collapse. It's year zero in Cyrenaica. It's impossible not to be reminded of the first days of "liberated" Iraq, in April 2003. The state has disappeared. Popular committees, Islamic groups and armed bands now control territory. No one knows how this will evolve. What may happen after the battle of Tripoli (assuming the opposition is able to get hold of some serious heavy weaponry)? A strong possibility is the emergence of self-governed, tribal-controlled territories, like in Afghanistan and Somalia; in fact whole regions seceding, although the exiled opposition is trying very hard to dispel these fears.
Before that, as Gaddafi has warned, there will be blood. The air force is directly controlled by the Gaddafi clan. Plus two of his sons are in key positions; Moutassim is the head of the National Security Council and Khamis is the commander of an armed forces brigade. The army has 150,000 soldiers. Top military commanders have everything to lose if they don't stick with Gaddafi. According to the best estimates, Gaddafi may still count on 10,000 soldiers. No to mention the paid-in-gold "back African" mercenary army, most of it inserted in Libya via Chad.
A huge graffiti in liberated Benghazi reads "No to the tribal system". That's wishful thinking.
Libya's is a tribal revolution. It was not, and it is not, being led by young urban intellectuals, like in Egypt, or by the working class (most of it in fact composed of foreign workers). Even though the actors of the anti-Muammar Gaddafi uprising may be a mix of ordinary Libyans, educated and/or unemployed youth, a section of the urban middle classes and defectors from the army and the security services, what trespasses all them is the tribe. Even the Internet, in the Libyan chapter of the great 2011 Arab revolt, has not been an absolutely decisive actor.
Libya is tribal from A to Z. There are 140 tribes (qabila), 30 of them key, one of them - Warfalla - boasting 1 million people (out of a population of 6.2 million). Often, they bear the names of the cities they come from. Colonel Gaddafi now says that the Libyan uprising is an al-Qaeda plot driven by hordes on milk and Nescafe spiked with hallucinogenic drugs. Reality is less lysergic; it's a concert of tribes that ultimately will bring down the African king of kings.
A huge graffiti in liberated Benghazi reads "No to the tribal system". That's wishful thinking. Libyan army officers are a collection of tribal notables seduced or bribed by Gaddafi, according to a strict divide and rule strategy, since the birth of the regime in 1969. In both Tunisia and Egypt the army was key in the fall of the dictator. In Libya, it's much more complicated. The army is not so important compared to paramilitary militias - private and mercenary - led by Gaddafi's sons and relatives.
Gaddafi and his "modernizer" son Saif have already played the only cards they have left, short of genocide; sedition (fitna) and Islamism, much in Hosni Mubarak-style, as in "either me or chaos". In the case of the Gaddafi clan, it goes like this: without me, it's either civil war - in fact fabricated by the regime itself - or Osama bin Laden (invoked as the deus ex machina by Gaddafi himself). Most tribes are not buying this "god out of the machine" ploy.
Gaddafi's prospects are grim. The Awlad Ali tribe, on the Egyptian border, is against him. Az Zawiyya has been against him since early this week. Az-Zintan, 150 kilometers southwest of Tripoli, revolves around the Warfalla; they are all against him. The Tarhun tribe - which, crucially, includes more than 30% of Tripoli's population - is against him. Sheikh Saif al-Nasr, former head of the Awlad Sulaiman tribe, went on al-Jazeera to call southern tribal youngsters to join the protesters. Even some people from his own, small tribe, Qadhadfa, are now against him.
Killing civil society
The tribe - with their clans and subdivisions - is the only institution that for centuries has regulated the society of those Arabs who have lived in the regions of the Italian colonizers, in the early 20th century, called Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan.
After Libya became independent in 1951, there were no political parties. During the monarchy, politics was all about tribes. But then Gaddafi's 1969 revolution reframed the political role of the tribes; they became just the guarantor of cultural and religious values. The ideology of Gaddafi's revolution revolved around socialism - with the people, theoretically, as the subject of history. Political parties were also discarded. Enter the popular committees and the popular congress. The old elite - tribal elders - was isolated.
But tribalism struck back. First because Gaddafi decided posts in the administration had to be distributed by tribal affiliation. And then, during the 1990s, Gaddafi renewed alliances with tribal leaders; he needed them "to get rid of mounting opposition and assorted traitors". Enter the "popular social commandos" - who fought corruption, solved local disputes and ended up enshrining the tribe as a political actor.
Gaddafi made sure he had an iron-clad alliance with the Warfalla. And by using a strategy centered in a slogan - "armed people" - he managed to tame the army. The key posts in the secret service were handed to his tribe - Qadhadfa - and one of his revolutionary companion's, the Maqariha. This essentially meant these two tribes monopolized all the key sectors of the economy, and eliminated - literally - any opposition.
The inevitable result of this tribal political system was the smashing of a civil society based on democratic institutions. The educated middle class was left with nothing. Then came the United Nations embargo - which lasted for a decade. The economy - already in bad shape - spiraled down; there was never any decent redistribution of the oil and gas wealth. Inflation and unemployment shot up. The rhetoric was always of "direct democracy"; the reality was the few "winners" were part of a reactionary state bourgeoisie, be they reformists, led by Saif; conservatives (faithful to Gaddafi's Green Book); or technocrats (those eyeing juicy deals with foreign corporations).
Year zero in Cyrenaica
No wonder the uprising started in Benghazi - which was kept out of any development strategy, in a region, Cyrenaica, with absolutely lousy infrastructure compared to Tripolitania.
Now the officially called Jamahiriya - the "state of the masses" - is about to collapse. It's year zero in Cyrenaica. It's impossible not to be reminded of the first days of "liberated" Iraq, in April 2003. The state has disappeared. Popular committees, Islamic groups and armed bands now control territory. No one knows how this will evolve. What may happen after the battle of Tripoli (assuming the opposition is able to get hold of some serious heavy weaponry)? A strong possibility is the emergence of self-governed, tribal-controlled territories, like in Afghanistan and Somalia; in fact whole regions seceding, although the exiled opposition is trying very hard to dispel these fears.
Before that, as Gaddafi has warned, there will be blood. The air force is directly controlled by the Gaddafi clan. Plus two of his sons are in key positions; Moutassim is the head of the National Security Council and Khamis is the commander of an armed forces brigade. The army has 150,000 soldiers. Top military commanders have everything to lose if they don't stick with Gaddafi. According to the best estimates, Gaddafi may still count on 10,000 soldiers. No to mention the paid-in-gold "back African" mercenary army, most of it inserted in Libya via Chad.
الفساد والاستبداد : مروان حبش
لقد عرفت منظمة الشفافية العالمية الفساد بأنه "استغلال السلطة من أجل المنفعة الخاصة "، وحسب هذا التعريف فإن الفاسد هو من يستغل سلطته عن وعي وقصد لكي يتوصل إلى مزية شخصية ، وإلى هدف غير شرعي أو هدف شرعي يمنع المتسلط صاحبه من الوصول إليه إلا إذا قدم "المعلوم".
إن الفساد في الدول التي ينتج شعبها سلطته الحاكمة ، أي الدول ذات النظام الديمقراطي، ظاهرة شاذة، وما أن يكشف مرتكبوها، حتى ينالون العقاب الذي يستحقون، أما الفساد في الدول ذات النظام الاستبدادي فإنه يكون ثالثة الأثافي التي يرتكز عليها النظام في استمراره في السلطة، ويصبح قيمة سائدة من بين القيم التي تحكم السلوك في علاقة المواطن بأجهزة السلطة ومؤسسات الدولة ، ولا غرابة في ذلك ، طالما أن الهمَّ الوحيد للحاكم هو استمراريته في السلطة، وهذا يتطلب الموالاة ، وأقرب طريق لتكوين موالين هو إغداق المال عليهم ولهم أن يحصلوا على الثروة بـ < شطارتهم > وبشطارتهم يسري الشر المستطير في أرض الوطن، من ناحية ، ويجب أن يصبح هؤلاء "مدانون" وبمقدار ما تكبر "ملفاتهم" يزداد ولاؤهم للحاكم، وفق منطوق الدولة الأمنية ، من الناحية الأخرى ، وخوفا من البطش يجد المواطن أن ليس في وسعه فعل شيء، ويلتزم الصمت الذي يرتفع جداره المحيط بالفساد ، رغم إدراكه " المواطن " بعدم اتخاذ أية إجراءات لاختراق هذا الجدار.
وبمقدار ما يعم وباء الفساد، أيضاً، تكثر التبريرات وتتكرر دائما : بأن اللجوء إلى الرشوة وإعطاء المتنفذين "بقشيشهم" أو "نصيبهم" أو "حصتهم" قد أصبح الآن تقليداً من تقاليد العالم الثالث، وأن بعض البلدان المصدرة تسانده إذْ جعلت مبالغ الرشوة المدفوعة قابلة للحسم الضريبي، وما هذا إلا عذر لتغطية حقيقة النوايا.
إذا كان الفساد في الدول الديمقراطية خاضعاً للمساءلة والمحاسبة، فهو ليس كذلك في الأنظمة الاستبدادية ، باستثناء حالة واحدة، وهي ضرورة تقديم كبش فداء بين فترة وأخرى، ويختار الحاكم هذه الضحية، وفق معاييره الخاصة ، وغير ذلك ، ينشأ عن الفساد في ظل هذه الأنظمة ظواهر خطيرة يدركها ويرددها جل المواطنين، من بينها:
نشوء شبكات المافيات وعصابات الإرهاب وكثرة القنوات المظلمة وزيادة التحرر من الملاحقة، ويصبح للمتمولين "القدامى والجدد" والمتنفذين وأقربائهم نفوذا حاسماً في الدولة، و يفلت هؤلاء الأثرياء من دفع الضرائب بعملية إفساد عام للإدارة ويصبح بإمكانهم "أي رجال جدار المال" التحكم في توجيه إصدار القرارات والقوانين التي تلبي مصالحهم، وتصبح الإدارة خاضعة لرغباتهم <بمؤسساتها القضائية والتشريعية والتنفيذية >، كما يمكن أن يتحكموا في الحصول على مناصب لهم أو لأعوانهم ، وبذلك يستمرون في الحصول على مكاسب ووسائل تضاف إلى وسائلهم المتنامية إلى حد مفرط ، ويمكن القول أن السلطة تصبح سلطة "أوليغارشية"، أي سلطة للأقلية الغنية التي تحافظ على امتيازاتها ضد كل شيء وضد الجميع.
ونتيجة تحويل مبالغ طائلة من المال إلى حسابات مصرفية لصالح أصحاب القول الفصل والحكم فيما يصلح أمور المجتمع وما يلحق به من ضرر، تُتخذ قرارات خاطئة تتصل بالسياسة والاقتصاد، تعوق البرامج والمجهودات التنموية وتجعل النجاح مستحيلاً أو مشوهاً وترتفع كلفة المشاريع بشكل باهظ.
إذا كان الفساد وانتشاره ينطلق من المقولة "أن السلطة مفسدة، والسلطة المطلقة مفسدة مطلقة" فإن اقتلاع الفساد "وهذه الجملة تصيب كبد الحقيقة"، ينطوي على مجازفات ويتطلب مصداقية ومواقف صارمة لا هوادة فيها ولا مراعاة ولا تواطؤ مع الحكام والطغاة من أرباب الثروة كمخرج من درك الأزمة العميقة أزمة نظام الفساد المستقر في أعماق النظام وأثاره التي أصبحت فوق الاحتمال .
إن محاربة الفساد ليست فكرة خيالية "دون كيخوتية" ، ولكن لا تقتلعه الأجهزة الأمنية أو بعض أجهزة الرقابة والتفتيش، وإذا كان استشراء هذا البلاء يقابله فقدان دولة القانون وحرية الرأي والصحافة والتعددية السياسية وجمعيات المجتمع المدني، فإن هذا كله يحتاج إلى خطة منهجية ويوجب الانطلاق من إستراتيجية عامة، تبدأ من تحويل بنية الدولة الاستبدادية إلى دولة حيادية ديمقراطية وسلطة متغيرة، وبهذا التحويل تصبح النظرة إلى الوطن وخيراته بأنها ملك لجميع المواطنين، و أن المال العام يجب أن يتوجه إلى تنمية الوطن ورفاهية المواطنين.
من هذه البداية يتأسس نظام وطني يجهد للمحافظة على الاستقامة، ومن أبرز ملامح هذا النظام الوطني : حكومات منتخبة ديمقراطياً، توزيع متكافئ للسلطات، صحافة حرة، انتخابات تمثيلية حرة، جمعيات مدنية لإيقاظ الوعي لدى عامة الناس ويفسح لها المجال للوصول إلى المعلومات الضرورية لمراقبة الفساد وفضح الفاسدين.
ونتيجة تحويل مبالغ طائلة من المال إلى حسابات مصرفية لصالح أصحاب القول الفصل والحكم فيما يصلح أمور المجتمع وما يلحق به من ضرر، تُتخذ قرارات خاطئة تتصل بالسياسة والاقتصاد، تعوق البرامج والمجهودات التنموية وتجعل النجاح مستحيلاً أو مشوهاً وترتفع كلفة المشاريع بشكل باهظ.
إذا كان الفساد وانتشاره ينطلق من المقولة "أن السلطة مفسدة، والسلطة المطلقة مفسدة مطلقة" فإن اقتلاع الفساد "وهذه الجملة تصيب كبد الحقيقة"، ينطوي على مجازفات ويتطلب مصداقية ومواقف صارمة لا هوادة فيها ولا مراعاة ولا تواطؤ مع الحكام والطغاة من أرباب الثروة كمخرج من درك الأزمة العميقة أزمة نظام الفساد المستقر في أعماق النظام وأثاره التي أصبحت فوق الاحتمال .
إن محاربة الفساد ليست فكرة خيالية "دون كيخوتية" ، ولكن لا تقتلعه الأجهزة الأمنية أو بعض أجهزة الرقابة والتفتيش، وإذا كان استشراء هذا البلاء يقابله فقدان دولة القانون وحرية الرأي والصحافة والتعددية السياسية وجمعيات المجتمع المدني، فإن هذا كله يحتاج إلى خطة منهجية ويوجب الانطلاق من إستراتيجية عامة، تبدأ من تحويل بنية الدولة الاستبدادية إلى دولة حيادية ديمقراطية وسلطة متغيرة، وبهذا التحويل تصبح النظرة إلى الوطن وخيراته بأنها ملك لجميع المواطنين، و أن المال العام يجب أن يتوجه إلى تنمية الوطن ورفاهية المواطنين.
من هذه البداية يتأسس نظام وطني يجهد للمحافظة على الاستقامة، ومن أبرز ملامح هذا النظام الوطني : حكومات منتخبة ديمقراطياً، توزيع متكافئ للسلطات، صحافة حرة، انتخابات تمثيلية حرة، جمعيات مدنية لإيقاظ الوعي لدى عامة الناس ويفسح لها المجال للوصول إلى المعلومات الضرورية لمراقبة الفساد وفضح الفاسدين.
Friday, February 25, 2011
التمثيــل بأميــرالاي : أسامة محمد
انتقت قيادة التلفزيون من كل مثقفي وصحافيي ونقاد سوريا... محمد الأحمد ليحيي ما يفترض أن يكون صباح َخيرٍ احتفاءً بسينما « أميرالاي « الراحل للتوّ... لا أتكهن من أَلهَمَ من ... لكن أي مخيلة هذه.. تأتي برجل حاول طوال سنين إلحاق الأذى بعمر في إشاراتٍ أمنية وكاذبة وثَقتها الصحافة وقرأها الجميع. اختار التلفزيون كارِهَ السينمائيين ليحتفي بفقيدهم... فأوسع جسده تمثيلا.
التمثيل بالجثة... عنف ٌنوعي وحقدُ نوعيٌّ وكرهٌ نوعيٌّ ترعرعَ في منطقتنا وازدهر في الحروب الأهلية... والتمثيل بالراحل خوفٌ من قوّة حياته المستمرة وورطة تتمثّل في دونية القاتل ومحاولته تمديد لحظة القتل بوصفها لحظة الانفراد بسلطة اللحظة.
بدائيةٌ نقدية مسكينة... تدور على الكرسي الدوار للمدير العام فيختلطُ الضميرُ الفنّي بالضمير الأمني ليَمنح عُمر فضيلة ًوحيدةً هي»الأكثر وسامة و... أناقة بين زملائه مجرّداً أميرالاي من أناقة السينما.
سؤال أبديّ وصعب عن علاقة الأخلاق بالفن.. من يلتهم من؟ ضحالة الضمير أم ضحالة النقد؟... وأيهما الذي يتكلم على الشاشة... في مِيْلَويّة مغرورة لا تستطيع الخروج من تيمة الأفضل والأحسن والصح والصواب وَالـ نعم وَالـ لا.
فضمير الناقد يُغيّب فيلميّ «الحياة اليومية» و«الدجاج». يختطف محمد الأحمد من عُمْرِعُمَر أعواماً يخفيه فيها عن الوجود... فعُمَر لم ينجز إلا الأفلام التي يقررها الأحمد.
أردُّ اليوم وللمرة الأولى في حياتي على ما يأتي من سباب واتهامّ... لسببين، أولهما غياب عُمَر، وثانيهما الفراغ الإنساني والمهني الذي يُدير شؤون السينما في وطننا سوريا حيث نولد ونموت.
سأورد بعضاً مما شاهدتُ وأورده سامر اسماعيل ومما لم يورِد من أقوال المدير العامّ بين قوسين. وسعياً للاختصار سأرمز للسيّد محمد الأحمد بالحرفين «م. أ« ولشخصي أنا بهما معكوسين «أ. م«.
هكذا يبدأ المدير قراءة البلاغات على أنها نقد سينمائي:
بلاغ رقم 1
ـ م. أ: «... حيث ساعده وجودهُ في باريس العام 1968 على الانخراط في أحداث ثورة الطلاب. وهذا بدوره خلق لدى عُمر أميرالاي مشكلة أساسية لم ينتبه أحد إليها من الذين قيّموا تجربته، فهو شخص تاهَ بين السياسيّ والمُخرج التسجيلي».
ـ أ. م: مربّع الوتر يُساوي مجموع مربعيّ الضلعين الآخرين. وعليه فالمشارك في الثورة يتوه بين الإخراج والسياسة... فالسياسة والإخراج متوازيان لا يلتقيان إلا بإذن المدير العامّ... وهذا يعني أنّ تروفو وغودار وغاريل و... غلوبير روشا وبازوليني وفورمان سياسيون أكثر من كونهم مخرجين. وإن الأوان فات لتنبيه نوري بوزيد ومنصف وزملائهم في تونس ويُسري وخالد وخان وبشارة وداوود والقليوبي والبطوط من شرّ الانخراط بالمطالبة بالحرية والعدالة الاجتماعية لأن ذلك يضعف الإخراج. أما خالد أبو النجا فسوف يغلب السياسي على تمثيله لدور العاشق.
السياسي والمخرج
بلاغ رقم 2 ـ
ـ م. أ: «أنا قلتُ لعمر انّ لديه مشكلة أساسية لم ينتبه إليها أحد، قلتُ ووافقني عليها. وهيَ أنه ظلّ في منطقة فضائية عديمة الجاذبية، فلم يستطع أن يَصعدَ نحو السياسة ولا العودة إلى الواقع المعيش المتمثّل في السينمائيّ التسجيليّ. لذلك كان سياسياً أكثر من كونه مخرجاً سينمائياً، هذه حقيقة وهذا كلام يجب أن يُقال».
ـ أ. م: هل صادفَ أحدكم ناقداً يصفُ مقولتهُ النقدية بالحقيقة!؟ كما لو أنه يتكلم عن هلال شعبان... هذا الذي يحتاج لعدّة شهود شرعاً. قد تكون الكلمة (الحقيقة) انزلقت من شعور صاحبها النفسي بمأزق سرد مواجهته النقدية الشجاعة لأميرالاي... ولأن الأمر مشكوكٌ به فقد صعدت أنا (أ. م) إلى أعلى حيّ المهاجرين والتقيتُ بعمر البارحة وقرأتُ له البلاغ أعلاه فأجابَ «هه».. وإذا لم تصدقوني فاسألوا عُمر... والذي أجرى دموعي عندما اجتمعتُ بفلليني وتشابلن وكيوبريك وفيرتوف قولهم لي إنَّ سينما صديقك عُمر واقعية ساحرة حُرّه. وإن ناقدنا فقير إذ أعرض لسببٍ ولم يفند عُمَرلا في السياسة ولا في الإخراج؟... واستغل إزنشتاين اتقاني الروسية فوبخني وترجم لهم فراحوا يبهدلونني كيف يمكن وفي بلدٍ اخترعَ الأبجدية أن يُدير سينماها ناقدٌ يُطلقُ على جملٍ تقريرية صفة الحقيقة.
إنها الحقيقة. وإذا لم تصدقوني فاسألوا دزيغا وسيرغي وشارلي وفريدريكو وستانلي.
في البلاغات اللاحقة ينتشي المدير من قوة مواجهته الافتراضية لعمر ويرفس السينمائيين السوريين جماعةً فيقرر أنهم أخفقوا في نقل البيئة السورية المحلية. والبرهان على ذلك نقداً، أن اليابانيّ كيروساوا أو روسيلليني الإيطالي أو بونويل الإسباني لم يُخفقوا... فالعلّة البنيوية لأحلام المدينة والنصف متر وابن آوى و... والكومبارس و...الحياة اليومية والدجاج والطوفان أن روسيلليني عظيم...
وحين يتنبه الى أنه على الهواء... يرشو عمر ويعلنه «الأكثر أناقة ووسامة بين زملائه»... طيّب تشجع يا مدير. اهزم الغرب وقل انه أوسم وأكثر أناقة من شلّة كورساوا!!!.
وسوف يُمَزِّق نعوة عمر في البلاغ الرقم (5) ليسرق منها كلمة العالميّ محتكراً توزيعها مبرهناً عل ذلك بـ«لا لم يَصل إلى العالمية» و(لا) النافية للعالمية تصبح (لا) عالميةً وتُقَرِرُ أنه الأذكى الذي وجدها وأن كلَ نقدٍ آخر لسينما عُمَرْ عواطفي، خدعته ربما وسامة... أميرالاي!!
بورتريهات
بلاغ رقم 7 ـ
ـ م. أ: «تجربة عُمر أميرالاي مع بداية التسعينيات بدأت تضيق ولم تدخل أمداء واسعة، فقد اتجه إلى تصوير بورتريهات سينمائية أخذت شكل تقارير صحافية عن شخصيات... سعد الله ونوس وميشيل سورا وبنظير بوتو».
ـ أ. م: هات.. بقى.. وقل لنا ولو لمرّة كيف ولماذا تَعْتــَبرُ أفلامه عن سعد الله وسورا وبوتو... تقارير صحافية؟ صارح شعبك السينمائي... افتح لنا أمداء الحوار وأجب عن السؤال... والحقيقة أنني أتحداك أن تفعل هذا.
من الصعب تحديد الذروة في دراما إطلالة «م. أ« التابينية لسينما أميرالاي. لكن المرء يصاب بالخجل والخوف فـ«م. أ« يهجم فجأةَ على المذيعة: «متلما قلتلك يعني إغراء... شو إغراء؟ ممثلة» و«بنظير شو» وبالطبع ... سعد الله ونوس شو؟.
- أ. م: إي شو شو!؟... ذروة... طبعاً ذروة.. فالإنسان مدىً ضيّق رغماً عن الإمام علي «أتزعمُ أنكَ جرمٌ صغيرٌ وفيكَ انطوى العَالَمُ الأكبرُ». وعن البدوي «وفي نفسيَ الدنيا وفي نفسيَ الدَهْرُ»
بالمناسبة.. فيلم عمر مع سعد الله كان بالتحديد فيلم عمر عن الصراع العربي الاسرائيلي... فهل هو همّ وطني؟ أم شخصي ضيق الأمداء؟ والفيلم قدّم ونوس كمفكر ومثقف.. رؤيتُهُ النقدية همه الوطني. أم أن ونوس كان ضيق الأمداء بدوره؟
و«بوتو» لا تظهر في الفيلم ولا لثانية...
ثم َّمن هي إغراء؟ ألا يعرف الأحمد المساحة الرمزية لإغراء في تاريخ السينما والمجتمع؟ أينكر مدى إنسانيتها؟ أم أن انتقادها لإدارته جعلها مجرد ممثلة عارية؟
أ... غرور؟! أم فساد المخيلة...?! عماها.
وسوف يغرق الناقد في «الطوفان» مؤكداً مكرراً أنه أضعف أفلام عمر، فالـ«الطوفان... كان منطلقاً من مشاعر شخصية ضيقة».
Security Council must refer Libya to International Criminal Court
Security Council must refer Libya to International Criminal Court
Amnesty International has today called on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court and impose an immediate arms embargo, ahead of a planned session in New York on 25 February.
"Colonel al-Gaddafi and his chain of command have to understand they will answer for their actions," said Salil Shetty, Amnesty International's Secretary-General. "They need to see that investigation and prosecution are a reality they will face."
"This should act as a wake-up call to those issuing the orders and those who carry them out: your crimes will not go unpunished."
"Members of the Security Council must act now to stop the outrageous abuses taking place on the streets of Tripoli and elsewhere in Libya."
The organization repeated its call of 23 February to the Security Council to immediately impose an arms embargo on Libya preventing transfer of equipment and personnel, and to implement an asset freeze against Colonel al-Gaddafi, those associated with him, and anyone else involved in human rights abuses.
Amnesty International has today called on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court and impose an immediate arms embargo, ahead of a planned session in New York on 25 February.
"Colonel al-Gaddafi and his chain of command have to understand they will answer for their actions," said Salil Shetty, Amnesty International's Secretary-General. "They need to see that investigation and prosecution are a reality they will face."
"This should act as a wake-up call to those issuing the orders and those who carry them out: your crimes will not go unpunished."
"Members of the Security Council must act now to stop the outrageous abuses taking place on the streets of Tripoli and elsewhere in Libya."
The organization repeated its call of 23 February to the Security Council to immediately impose an arms embargo on Libya preventing transfer of equipment and personnel, and to implement an asset freeze against Colonel al-Gaddafi, those associated with him, and anyone else involved in human rights abuses.
“Situation of human rights in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya”
“Situation of human rights in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya”
Delivered by Ambassador Eileen Chamberlain Donahoe
Human Rights Council 15th Special Session
Geneva, February 25, 2011
The United States strongly supports the convening of this special session to address the crisis in Libya. The Government of Libya has a responsibility to protect its population. It is failing to do so. In fact, it is attacking its population. The Human Rights Council has a responsibility to take action in response to ongoing emergency situations like the one in Libya, where a government is continuing to commit gross and systematic human rights violations. The Council’s responsibility is even greater when the violator is one of its own members. By convening this session on an urgent basis this week, the international community is sending a strong, unified and clear message that the Libyan government’s violations of human rights are clearly contrary to international norms and must end.
Over the past several days, we have watched with alarm as demonstrators have been met with repression and lethal violence from their government, including threats and orders to shoot peaceful protesters and further punish the people of Libya. Reports indicate that the death toll is several hundred at least. This bloodshed is completely unacceptable, and the violence is deplorable. It must stop immediately.
We recognize the courage and determination of the Libyan people who have opposed this repressive government. From air force pilots who have refused to carry out unconscionable orders, to Libyan diplomats who have spoken out against their government’s atrocities, to the men and women who peacefully assemble in the street with aspirations to a better life—the United States stands with you in support of freedom, justice, and the dignity of all people. To those who have been injured or lost loved ones during the violence, the people of the United States extend our deepest sympathy and condolences.
It is deeply disappointing that human rights are being so blatantly violated by a member of this Council. We note that the UN General Assembly has the authority to suspend the membership rights of a Council member who is committing gross and systematic violations of human rights. The continued participation of Libya in this forum undermines the core mission of the Council and its mandate and goals.
Two days ago, President Obama clearly announced that the United States “strongly supports the universal rights of the Libyan people. That includes the rights of peaceful assembly, free speech, and the ability of the Libyan people to determine their own destiny. These are human rights. They are not negotiable. They must be respected in every country. And they cannot be denied through violence or suppression.”
Our President also said that “it is imperative that the nations and peoples of the world speak with one voice,” and that is our purpose here. We urge this Council to adopt a resolution that condemns the human rights violations of the Libyan government in the strongest terms and underscores the need for accountability of those individuals responsible for the crimes perpetrated and establishes an independent commission of inquiry. The dignity and humanity of the Libyan people demands nothing less.
Delivered by Ambassador Eileen Chamberlain Donahoe
Human Rights Council 15th Special Session
Geneva, February 25, 2011
The United States strongly supports the convening of this special session to address the crisis in Libya. The Government of Libya has a responsibility to protect its population. It is failing to do so. In fact, it is attacking its population. The Human Rights Council has a responsibility to take action in response to ongoing emergency situations like the one in Libya, where a government is continuing to commit gross and systematic human rights violations. The Council’s responsibility is even greater when the violator is one of its own members. By convening this session on an urgent basis this week, the international community is sending a strong, unified and clear message that the Libyan government’s violations of human rights are clearly contrary to international norms and must end.
Over the past several days, we have watched with alarm as demonstrators have been met with repression and lethal violence from their government, including threats and orders to shoot peaceful protesters and further punish the people of Libya. Reports indicate that the death toll is several hundred at least. This bloodshed is completely unacceptable, and the violence is deplorable. It must stop immediately.
We recognize the courage and determination of the Libyan people who have opposed this repressive government. From air force pilots who have refused to carry out unconscionable orders, to Libyan diplomats who have spoken out against their government’s atrocities, to the men and women who peacefully assemble in the street with aspirations to a better life—the United States stands with you in support of freedom, justice, and the dignity of all people. To those who have been injured or lost loved ones during the violence, the people of the United States extend our deepest sympathy and condolences.
It is deeply disappointing that human rights are being so blatantly violated by a member of this Council. We note that the UN General Assembly has the authority to suspend the membership rights of a Council member who is committing gross and systematic violations of human rights. The continued participation of Libya in this forum undermines the core mission of the Council and its mandate and goals.
Two days ago, President Obama clearly announced that the United States “strongly supports the universal rights of the Libyan people. That includes the rights of peaceful assembly, free speech, and the ability of the Libyan people to determine their own destiny. These are human rights. They are not negotiable. They must be respected in every country. And they cannot be denied through violence or suppression.”
Our President also said that “it is imperative that the nations and peoples of the world speak with one voice,” and that is our purpose here. We urge this Council to adopt a resolution that condemns the human rights violations of the Libyan government in the strongest terms and underscores the need for accountability of those individuals responsible for the crimes perpetrated and establishes an independent commission of inquiry. The dignity and humanity of the Libyan people demands nothing less.
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