The winds of rebellion have reached the Kurdistan autonomous region in northern Iraq, where a series of demonstrations have broken out to demand greater democracy, improved social services, and an end to corruption. In this interview, a prominent journalist and democracy advocate discusses the origins of the protests and the wider political situation in the Kurdish region
Jake Hess: What are the major causes of the current wave of demonstrations in south Kurdistan?
Kamal Chomani: For common people, nepotism, corruption, financial corruption, poverty, the difference between their lives and 'high rank' people, public services, electricity, lack of health insurance, the failure of the cabinet to solve unemployement, and tens of other problems are the main causes. But for intellectuals and journalists, writers and opposition politicians, adding to the problems I mentioned, human rights violations against journalists, limitations on freedom of speech, the daily harassment of journalists, Kurdish-dominated parties' will towards dictatorship and pushing the Kurdish system toward authoritarianism, are main causes as well.
JH: What are the protesters demanding? How are the protests being organized, and who is organizing them?
KC: The protesters’ demands have been simple from the beginning: a radical reform in people’ lives and solving the problems even parliament and the political parties have identified. But because the political leadership has not taken meaningful steps to address these problems, now people are trying to topple the whole system. Protesters are asking for equality and an end to corruption. They demand that those who opened fire on protesters during the first days of demonstrations – when three protesters were killed and tens of others wounded - be put on trial.
JH: Which social and political sectors have played the biggest role in the demonstrations? Have women been involved? What about political parties and Islamist groups?
KC: All social sectors have played their part, from workers to politicians and intellectuals and Islamic scholars as well. But young people have been the main players, of course. In the first two days, no women attended the demonstrations, but they started joining once one woman gave a speech in Freedom Square asking all women to come out. Since then, women have been playing a vital role: they've supported the protesters in huge numbers. I saw elderly women chanting with protesters on TV. Young female students have also been visible in big numbers at the protests. Now, the spokesperson of the demonstrators is a woman, an intellectual named Nask Qadr. We also should not forget the influential role of students in the protests.
JH: According to press reports, the current wave of demonstrations began Feb. 16 when people gathered in front of KDP headquarters in Sulaymaniyah to denounce corruption, call for democratic reform, and demand better living conditions. Yet, Sulaymaniyah has historically been a stronghold of the PUK and Goran; KDP is not responsible for governance there, leading some people to wonder why KDP headquarters was chosen as the site of protest. What happened there that day?
KC: The gathering was in Sara, the center of Sulaymaniyah, just to support the Tunisian people and the Egyptians' great revolution. After the gathering ended, some youths went to Salm Street, which is known as the main boulevard in Sulaymaniyah. In most ceremonies and events people gather there. When the youths headed to Salm Street, the first party building they encountered on their route was the local KDP branch.
It is true that Sulaymaniyah is not KDP’s stronghold, but it was a natural focal point: since the unification of the PUK’s Sulaymaniyah administration and KDP’s Arbil administration, the KDP has been mainly responsible for all things that happen in Kurdistan. Masoud Barzani has been president of Kurdistan for about 5 years. Nechirvan Barzani was prime minister for about 4 years. In Iraq, the KDP has monopolized most positions. KDP has collected millions of dollars. KDP has monopolized the media, higher education, the market.
JH: From afar it seems that most of the protests have taken place in Sulaymaniyah. Is that true? Is anything happening in Hewler/Arbil, the KDP stronghold and capital of the Kurdistan Federal Region?
JH: On the broader political landscape in south Kurdistan. In modern times, politics, civil society, and just about everything else in the region have been dominated by the KDP and PUK. Cracks in their power seem to be appearing, however, with the emergence of opposition parties like Goran and critical, independent media outlets such as Livin magazine and Awane newspaper. Do you think the ongoing demonstrations in the region represent the emergence of a mass democratic movement independent of the PUK and KDP?
KC: A democratic mass movement has emerged, but it has not reached Arbil; it's still in Sulaymaniyah. These people need organization; fortunately, intellectuals are going to organize them and will lead them in peaceful ways. Southern Kurdistan’s structure of power needs to be changed. The political system here is more tribal than democratic or systematic. The presidency, which is occupied by KDP leader Massoud Barzani, is a partisan establishment. He has not been successful in distinguishing his presidency from partisan interests. He has no deputy now thanks to political battles with the PUK. The government, which is now headed by Dr. Barham Salih of the PUK, is a corrupt cabinet. The KDP and PUK between them have destroyed credible government through their interference. The interior, Peshmerge and financial ministries are not unified yet, despite the fact that these ministries are key to any successful cabinet. We have two Peshmerge forces. These forces are not national forces but partisan forces. Intelligence agencies are responsible to the government. Parastn, (Protection Agency) is connected to the KDP and Zaniyari (Information Establishment) is connected to the PUK. The Anti- Terror unit is a PUK force as well. We do not have national security, but two family securities. Then with regard to the draft constitution and law on demonstrations, the KDP and PUK didn’t listen to public and opposition lists in the parliament. The speaker of parliament, who is a KDP man, doesn’t think that he is the president of a parliament for all people; he deals with opposition MPs as if they are his enemies. The KDP and PUK have also distributed all positions in and outside Kurdistan equally between them. All KRG representatives around the world are KDP or PUK members. And they have appointed their sons as KRG representatives in the most powerful countries, as we see in US, where Qubad Talabani, Jalal Talabani’s son, is the KRG's representative in Washington.
I should also mention the judicial system. The judiciary is not neutral, thanks to KDP and PUK interference. People can’t believe in a democracy where the judiciary is constantly under political pressure.
